Report - the speech of men and women. Masculine and feminine variants of speech in the Yana language


FEATURES OF SPEECH COMMUNICATION OF MEN AND WOMEN

Afletunova Gulshat Eduardovna

3rd year student, Department of ISE PSTU, RF, Yoshkar-Ola

Email: gulshat. afletunova@ yandex. en

Bogdanov Anton Igorevich

scientific supervisor, Ph.D. f. Sciences, art. teacher, PSTU, RF, Yoshkar-Ola

Modern science shows great interest in the social conditioning of language and speech. Based on many studies, it has been proven that when studying the influence of social characteristics on speech, it is necessary to take into account the gender of a person.

The speech behavior of men and women is built on the basis of historical stereotypes that have been fixed in the language. The existence of differences in the language of different sexes was already characteristic of the languages ​​of primitive times. N.B. Mechkovskaya writes that male and female languages ​​differed primarily in vocabulary. For example, men knew hunting or building vocabulary, and women knew the vocabulary of housekeeping.

Until the 60s, science did not show much interest in the peculiarities of the speech of men and women. For the first time, gender, as a social factor that determines the characteristics of speech development, began to be mentioned in the works of U. Labov, P. Tragill. One of the first works in this area is the book of the American researcher Robin Lakoff "Language and the Place of Woman". This topic "language and gender" has been actively developed recently.

Today, the science of linguistics deals with this problem. Linguistics is the science that studies languages. In the broad sense of the word, linguistics is divided into scientific and practical. Most often, linguistics refers to scientific linguistics.

Speech behavior is a complex phenomenon that is associated with the place of birth of a person and the place of his education, whether it is an ordinary school or, for example, a closed lyceum. The speech behavior of a person is also influenced by the environment in which he communicates, that is, the habitual environment of a person, his upbringing and national characteristics. However, the main factor, undoubtedly, influencing the speech behavior of a person is the fact that he belongs to the male and female principles. As V.N. Telia in one of her works “Women are more characteristic of actual speech acts; they are easier to switch, “change” roles in the act of communication”. Men, on the contrary, switch in the act of communication much harder, and, being carried away by the topic of conversation or dialogue, they stop responding to other remarks that are not related to it.

Scientists began to talk about differences in speech communication between men and women at the end of the 17th century, when they discovered native tribes. The differences in male and female speech are not so significant, they do not always manifest themselves in any speech act, and also do not indicate that gender is the main factor in communication, as was assumed at the initial stage of the development of feminist linguistics. Science has also concluded that each person in different situations exhibits different speech behavior.

Studies have shown that by taking several people of the same sex and age, but with different professional status, one can find differences in their linguistic communication.

The speech behavior of a person in different situations is different. For example, at work or at home, a person has a certain speech behavior, and being in a new and unfamiliar environment, the same person shows a completely different speech behavior.

However, gender linguistics today does not deny that there are certain traits that are peculiar only to men and only to women. For example, women are more characterized by non-conflict and emotionality. The main topics in a woman's conversations are the topics of family, relationships, fashion, parenting, as well as art and literature. In conversation, women are more detailed than men, and often refer to movies, books, and personal experience. It has also been observed that women have more introductory words in conversation than men, and women also use “high words” more often in their speech. Psychologists also highlight such a feature as the presence of exaggerations and generalizations in the language of women. For male speech, accuracy and concreteness are more acceptable. The main topic of conversation for men is the business they are interested in (hunting, fishing, and so on), as well as innovative development and politics. Men often refer to authorities, and, according to psychologists, these authorities are most often men. Men in their speech are often ironic and use professional vocabulary. Their speech is characterized by a huge use of introductory words and the predominance of verbs over other parts of speech. Linguists also argue that the use of obscene words occurs more often in men than in women.

Differences in speech behavior between men and women are also reflected in the stories they tell. Men talk mainly about themselves and it is he who emerges victorious from any situation. Women, on the contrary, talk more about others than about themselves, and also often talk not about their “heroic deeds”, but about their own stupidity, for example, about how they forgot the keys to the house and slammed the door, or how instead of document took out an unnecessary piece of paper.

The style of conversation between men and women also has its own characteristics. So, for example, men very often question the authority of his interlocutor and are more willing to enter into conflicts. As noted above, women have less conflicts and more often avoid the possibility of open “battle” in a conversation. Men are more willing to speak in an unfamiliar circle and feel more comfortable, while women, on the contrary, feel comfortable when talking in a narrower circle of their loved ones. Men, according to linguists, before starting to speak, think in detail about everything that was heard from the interlocutor and only after that they formulate an answer and say it. In women, everything happens exactly the opposite. A woman first speaks, demonstrating her inner process of thinking about what was said, and only in the process of speech does she discover exactly what she wants to say.

As noted by A.Yu. Belyaeva in her article, women's speech is also characterized by the use of elementary signals of attention such as "aha". In the speech of women, there are often examples of the use of words with the meaning of uncertainty about the truth of what they are talking about. These can be modal words like “like”, “probably”, “in my opinion”. The speech of men differs from that of women in that they quite often use the adverbs probably “or” and “probably” in the sense of “undoubtedly, rightly, exactly.” But in most cases, men use modal words for absolute certainty that their own opinion is correct.

Male speech is also characterized by the influence of such a factor as a profession. Men widely use professional terminology in casual communication. Women, on the contrary, try to use a simpler and more understandable language for their interlocutor, in order to be “on an equal footing” with the interlocutor.

It can be concluded that the speech behavior of men and women is directly opposite. Men are usually immersed in the course of their thoughts, and if they are carried away by conversation, they do not react to the environment. A woman, on the other hand, conducts a conversation more openly, sensitively reacts to the whole environment.

In the modern world, the social roles of men and women are aligned. Language is only one of the aspects through which a person expresses his gender in this world. A woman to a greater extent accompanies her demands with various forms of politeness and the so-called formal restraints. For a man in a conversation, the most important task is, first of all, to assert his own leading positions and compete in establishing leading status roles. Studies show that men, when they talk to each other, very rarely interrupt each other during the dialogue. But at the same time, when they talk to women, the amount of interruption increases dramatically and becomes a general trend in the conversation.

When men talk to men, they tend to very rarely question each other's competence. At the same time, when a woman decides to show her competence in the presence of a man, the man perceives this as a challenge, as aggression on the part of the woman, and seeks to suppress her.

The nature of communication between men and women depends on a large number of different factors, the study of which is still ongoing. Linguistics is an evolving science, as the social roles of men and women also change over time.

Bibliography:

  1. Zemskaya E.A., Kitaigorodskaya M.A., Rozanova N.N. Features of male and female speech // Russian language in its functioning. Ed. E.A. Zemskoy and D.N. Shmelev. M.: Nauka, 1993. - S. 90-136.
  2. Kirilina A.V. Gender: linguistic aspects. M.: Institute of Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, 1999. - 189 p.
  3. West K., Zimmerman D. Creating gender (doing gender) // Gender notebooks. Issue. 1. St. Petersburg, 1997. - S. 94-124.

Differences in the language of women and men
The topic of "language and gender" has recently been actively developed in linguistics. One of the first works in this area is the book by American researcher Robin Lakoff(Robin Lakoff)"Language and place of woman"("Language and Woman's Place", 1975) . According to Lakoff, there are the following main differences between the female version of the language and the male one:

1. women use more "empty" evaluative adjectives (eg "cute");

2. women use interrogative forms where men use affirmative ones;

3. women are more likely to use polite forms;

4. women are more likely to use forms expressing uncertainty (“you know”, “it seems to me”, “probably”, “maybe”)

5. women are more likely to use enhancers (“so cute”, “charming”);

6. women are more likely to use hypercorrect grammar.

Gender oppositions manifest themselves in different ways in the languages ​​of the world. An attempt to systematize them was made, for example, in the work of J. Scherzer(Sherzer, 1995); Note that the following types are not mutually exclusive.

1. Mandatory distinctions on the basis of male/female in the language.

We are talking about the obligatory distinction between two variants of the same language - male and female (most often this distinction is noticeable at the phonetic and / or morphological levels). One of the most famous examples is the language of the island Caribs in Central America. When Europeans first found themselves in the Lesser Antilles, they noticed that men and women speak “different languages”: part of the vocabulary (roots) was different, as well as several grammatical indicators. When referring to a man, the “male version” was always used, when referring to a woman, “female”. Reports from the 17th century note that the violation of established norms was considered a serious crime.

To explain this and similar phenomena, thetaboo hypothesis. When men went on the warpath, they may have been instructed to use a certain set of "male" words. At the same time, women and children were forbidden to pronounce some words that could “warn enemies”, “attract spirits” or “scare away prey”, otherwise luck would have turned away from warriors and hunters. The taboo factor could have influenced the differentiation of language depending on gender. This hypothesis in relation to the Caribs is not confirmed (although not directly refuted) by historical facts, but it finds quite a lot of typological parallels.

An example of a language in which the taboo system is the causeemergence of gender differences , - Zulu. A Zulu married woman could not pronounce the names of her husband's father and brothers aloud. In some cases, she was forbidden to pronounce sounds that could somehow be associated with taboo names, that is, a woman did not have the right to pronounce any, even the most common word, if it contained a characteristic sound included in the names of male relatives. Such a system of taboos could well lead to the emergence of different variants of the language, separated by gender.

Another example of gender differentiation ispersonal pronoun systems . So, in Russian, English and many other languages, differentiation based on gender is manifested in pronouns only in the 3rd person and only in the singular: he - she, but they;he, she, but they. In French, this differentiation is also found in the plural:ils - elles. In Finnish and in the 3rd person singular, the personal pronoun is not differentiated by gender:han. In some languages, the pronouns of the 2nd and 1st person are also differentiated by gender: for example, in Thai, in a polite conversation of people with equal status, a man will say about himselfphom, and the woman dichan.

2. Different speech styles for men and women .

In this case, style is understood as a complex of linguistic features - phonetic, rhythmic, intonational, morphological, syntactic, lexical, which are associated with male or female speech behavior. Women can speak faster or slower, more or less, more figuratively or more simply than men. Women can "swallow" endings while men can't, or vice versa. Women (or, respectively, men) can speak with a special intonation, etc.

It should be noted that, as is often the case, cultural norms imprinted in the minds of members of society may not coincide with actual practice. With regard to the problem under consideration, it is not so important whether such differences in the speech of men and women actually exist in a particular society; more importantly, in this societythere is a belief that women and men speak differently . For example, native Russian speakers might say that women speak more and faster than men - but this will not necessarily be confirmed statistically.

3. Different principles of organization of speech behavior .

Studies have shown that men and women behave differently during a conversation, use language differently during a conversation. In such studies, the number of “distractions” from the main topic of the conversation, the transition from one topic to another, unexpected appeals to another interlocutor, interrupting the interlocutor, etc. are usually calculated. This also includes differences in the frequency of use of certain linguistic features. The use of certain phonetic, morphological, syntactic and lexical features in male and female speech, according to statistical analysis, turns out to be significant (at the same time, unlike the situation described in the previous paragraph, members of the society can be sure that "everyone speaks the same way").

Thus, it has been established that English-speaking women tend to ask questions, maintain a dialogue, express solidarity with the interlocutor, often stimulate, support the conversation in the form of minimal answers (cf. Russian interjections of this type - “mmm”, “uh-huh " etc.). Men, on the contrary, often interrupt the interlocutor, tend to disagree with their partner, ignore the statements of the interlocutors, control the topic of conversation more tightly, and are prone to direct expression of opinion. Women avoid open rivalry in dialogue at the level of speech (their rivalry is usually more hidden), they wait for signs of approval and support in the form of nods, interjections, they themselves show signs of interest and attention. The roots of these differences lie in the dissimilarity of upbringing, the basic guidelines for the behavior of boys and girls.

P. Tradgil (Trudgill, 1995)shows which pronunciations men and women in English-speaking countries choose according to the prestige / non-prestige parameter. On average, there is a steady trend towardswomen choose a more prestigious pronunciation . Obviously, this is also related to the stereotypes of female and male behavior that exist in this culture.

D. Tannen (Tannen, 1982)gives data on an experiment she conducted to reveal the propensity of three groups (Americans, American Greeks, Greeks from Greece) and two genders to interpret speech as direct (having a direct, unambiguous meaning) or indirect (having a second, additional meaning). The subjects were given the following task.

The text was given: a married couple is talking:

Wife: John is having a party. You want to go?
Husband: OK (good).
Wife: I'll call and say we'll be there.

Based on this conversation, check one of the two sentences that you think explains what the husband really meant when he said OK (okay):

A: The wife wants to go there, since she asks. I'm going to please her.
B: My wife asks if I want to go there. I would like to say yes.

What in the words of the wife and husband makes you choose one of the proposed options? What would a wife or husband have to say for you to choose another option?

The experiment showed that differences in ethnic groups exist.


Thus, American women are much more likely than American men to look for a second meaning in the words of the interlocutor.

4. Language choice by men and women in multilingual and bilingual situations .

Men and women behave differently in situations of multilingualism and bilingualism. Men are more actively involved in bilingualism - due to their activity in trade, hunting, and other activities that force them to leave the house. So, in the border region of Austria, where part of the population is bilingual and where there are both men and women who speak both German and Hungarian, men prefer the Hungarian language, and women prefer German as a more prestigious language.(Gal, 1978).

5. Gender distribution of "genres" and roles in the conversation .

J. Scherzer (Sherzer, 1995)notes that among the Kuna Indians living in Panama, purely male genres are all kinds of public speaking, telling tribal myths, magical chants; female genres - singing lullabies, crying.

6. Choice by men and women of different models of speech behavior .

Malagasy society is often cited as an example, in which there are two such models - direct and indirect speech. Direct speech is more characteristic of women and is used in commercial relations, in which women are mainly involved there. Indirect speech is associated with public speaking, i.e. with politics, other areas where social activity is manifested, which is mainly characteristic of men.

This is the situation with the implementation of the male/female feature in different languages. This implies that society assigns different social roles to men and women. However, these roles can change over time, with language changes usually lagging behind changes in social roles. When social roles or social stereotypes come into conflict with linguistic norms, people begin to deliberately break the language formulas that orient a person to stereotypes based on gender differentiation and gender discrimination. Hence the "expulsion" of the actually desemantized suffix -manin words likechairman(chairman) and turning it intochair person. Hence the "complex pronouns" adopted in today's written norm of the English language in cases like"When a child acquires a language, he/she (option: s/he) first learns only one variety of it" (lit. "When a child learns a language, he/she first learns only one version of it") - or even the use of the pronoun in such casesshe.

So, men and women speak differently, and these options do not depend on the situation: there are almost no “female situations” and “male situations” when the same person would choose one or another option at will. A woman speaks differently than a man, and the listener is able to distinguish the speech of women from the speech of men not only by the timbre of the voice. This becomes especially noticeable when the rules are broken (cf. typical characters in comedy films - men speaking "like a woman", and vice versa).

An analysis of the functioning of various languages ​​indicates thatwomen tend to be more conservative in their speech practice than men: usually all innovations enter the language through male speech. As a consequence, the feminine forms are usually older in origin than the masculine ones: language changes occur primarily in the speech of men. So, in the Chukchi language, in some dialects, intervocalic consonants are preserved in the speech of women, but regularly drop out in the speech of men: the masculine version isankh "aat, - female version -ank'anat 'these' .

Some researchers defend the point of view according to which people cannot be considered as speech prototypes of their gender group and one should rather talk not about female and male speech, but about the degree of “femininity” and the degree of “masculinity” in the speech of an individual. Sociolinguistic research involves working with socio-demographic categories, but these categories themselves should be treated with caution. Socio-demographic categories can easily turn out to be a myth, a prejudice, or a mistake, so even such seemingly obvious categories as gender should not be used uncritically. Quite the opposite: research should be directed to the very process of constructing these categories: these categories are constantly being constructed, created and recreated by the members of the group themselves, and they are created to a large extent precisely in the process of speech interaction.

The conditional name of lexical preferences and some other features of the use of the language, depending on the gender of the speaker. Sexual differentiation of speech has become known since the 17th century, when new native tribes were discovered, in which quite significant differences in speech were observed depending on the gender of the speaker. First of all, this concerned women, since their speech behavior was regulated more than men's, so the so-called "female languages" were initially discussed in the scientific description. Differences most often appear in vocabulary, but can extend to other phenomena, as, for example, in Japanese. Sets of modal-expressive particles, forms of politeness, etc., differ. In European languages, there are also some differences in the use of the language, but they are not universal, but manifest themselves in the form of trends. Initially, speech differences were explained by the nature of women and men, that is, they were considered constant factors. In the 1960s, with the development of sociolinguistics, the probabilistic nature of differences was established.

During the period of active feminist criticism of the language (70s - early 80s of the XX century), linguists insisted on the existence of intentionalism, i.e. conscious maintenance by men of their superiority through speech behavior - the length of speech segments, the frequency of interruptions, speaking simultaneously with the interlocutor , control over the topics of communication, etc. This did not take into account the high importance of social structures (schools, churches, armies, etc.), which assume the maintenance of male superiority and free the individual from the need to constantly reproduce it in all situations. Along with intentionalism, at this stage of research, the factor of sex was given excessive importance. West and Zimmerman argue that the construction by an individual of their gender identity (doing gender) is a permanent process that permeates all the actions of individuals. Further study of communication showed that situations and contexts in which gender does not play a significant role are very common, therefore it is necessary to take into account the factor of "gender neutrality" (Hirschauer), since there is no reason to attach more importance to gender than to the factor of age, ethnicity and social affiliation, the level of education, profession, etc. Along with the term doing gender, the term undoing gender has also been proposed for the analysis of speech behavior for situations where the gender of the communicants is not significant. Modern research shows that these parameters interact in most cases, so it is very difficult to determine where the influence of one ends and the influence of the other begins. During this period, quantitative methods of research also prevailed, the most popular of which were the calculation of the duration of speech segments, the frequency of interrupting the interlocutor and changing the topics of the dialogue. However, apart from the context and situation of communication, these characteristics cannot be considered indicative and acquire significance only in interaction with other phenomena that depend on the cultural traditions of a given society. The question today is not how men or women speak, but how, with the help of what speech means, tactics and strategies they create certain contexts. Next, you need to explore the parameters of these contexts and their impact on the success of communication.

In the late 80s and early 90s, the hypothesis of "gender subcultures" arose, dating back to the work of Gumperz on the study of intercultural communication, as well as to earlier works on ethnology, ethnography, cultural history (Borneman, Mead). In the works of Maltz and Borker (Maltz, Borker) and Tannen (Tannen) the principle of intercultural communication is extended to gender relations.

In this case, the focus was on the processes of socialization. The socialization of the individual was seen as the assignment to him of a certain subculture, which is characterized by special speech practices that are different in the male and female environment. In childhood and adolescence, people revolve mainly in same-sex groups, forming subcultures and assimilating their speech etiquette, which, according to the supporters of the hypothesis, leads to misunderstanding and speech conflicts in adulthood, which are equated with intercultural ones.

The hypothesis of gender subcultures led to the emergence of the concept of genderlect - a permanent set of features of male and female speech. However, the works of recent years show more and more clearly that it is wrong to talk about genderlect (Samel, Kotthoff). The role of the subcultural factor in this case is greatly exaggerated. The differences in male and female speech are not so significant, they do not manifest themselves in any speech act and do not indicate that gender is a determining factor in communication, as was assumed at the initial stage of the development of feminist linguistics. It has also been established that the same person in different communicative situations also exhibits different speech behavior, which is called code switching. The study of the communication of people of the same sex, but of different social and professional status, also revealed a number of differences. So, the speech behavior of any person at home and at work, in a familiar and new environment, is different. At the same time, today science does not deny the existence of some stylistic features that are predominantly male or predominantly female within a clearly defined situation of communication. At the same time, it is believed that they arise under the influence of both sociocultural (for example, the use of swearing by women is more condemned than male abuse), as well as biological and hormonal factors (see Hypothesis of Functional Asymmetry of the Brain). The expansion of gender studies beyond the framework of influential European languages ​​and the development of linguoculturology made it possible to obtain data that also testify to the cultural conditioning of male and female speech. The most promising and reasonable direction in the study of male and female speech is currently considered to be the study of the strategies and tactics of the speech behavior of men and women in various communicative situations, with the obligatory consideration of the cultural tradition of a given society. There is also a widespread point of view that women use more diminutive suffixes and polite forms, more often call a communication partner by name, and generally use more contact-establishing speech actions. Works on the study of male and female associations also give reason to assume some differences in the male and female associative picture of the world (see Images of a man and a woman in linguistic consciousness). The reasons for the differences currently remain a debatable issue, in the discussion of which the bio- and socio-deterministic points of view collide.

Men's and women's languages ​​(English)

Literature:

Zemskaya E. A., Kitaigorodskaya M. A., Rozanova N. N. Features of male and female speech // Russian language in its functioning. Edited by E. A. Zemskaya and D. N. Shmelev. M.: Nauka, 1993. S. 90-136.

Kirilina A. V. Gender: linguistic aspects. Moscow: Institute of Sociology RAS, 1999. 189 p.

West K., Zimmerman D. Creating gender (doing gender) // Gender notebooks. Issue. 1. St. Petersburg, 1997. S. 94-124.

Borneman Ernst. Das Patriarchy. Ursprung und Zukunft unseres Gesellschaftssystems. Frankfurt a. Main, 1991 (zuerst 1971).

Gal S. Between speech and silence: The problematics of research on language and gender // Papers in Pragmatics. 1989. No. 3. V.1. P. 1-38.

Gluck Helmut. Der Mythos von den Frauensprachen. In: OBST (Osnabrücker Beiträge zur Sprachtheotie). 1979. Beiheft 3, pp. 60-95.

Gumperz John J. Discours Strategies. Cambridge, 1982.

Hirschauer St. Dekonstruktion und rekonstruktion. Pladöyer für die Erforschung des Bekannten // Feministische Studien. 1993. No. 2. S. 55-68.

Kotthoff H. Die Geschlechter in der Gesprächsforschung. Hierarchien, Teorien, Ideologien // Der Deutschunterricht, 1996. N 1. S. 9-15.

Maltz D. N., Borker R. A. Mißverständnisse zwischen Männern und Frauen - kulturell betrachtet // Günthner, Kotthoff (Hrsg) Von fremden Sttimmen. Weibliches und männliches Sprechen im Kulturvergleich. Frankfurt am Main, 1991. S. 52-74.

Male and female: a study of sexes in a changing world. New York: Morrow, 1949.

Samel Ingrid. Einführung in die feministische Sprachwissenschaft. Berlin, 1995.

Tannen Debora. Du cannst mich einfach nicht verstehen. Warum Männer und Frauen aneinender vorbeireden. Hamburg, 1991.

"Male and feminine speech" in books

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AMERICAN STUDIES

Masculine and feminine variants of speech in the Yana language

As you know, some languages ​​have the following feature: in them, the forms used by men differ from the forms used by women. Of course, this feature has nothing to do with grammatical gender. In this article, I propose to turn to gender differences in Yana, the language of Northern California, which is (or has been) divided into four dialects: Northern, Central, Southern, and Yahi. Only the data of the first two dialects will be used here, although the main facts apply to all four. Apparently, the number of languages ​​in which the opposition of masculine and feminine forms is as developed as in Yana is small. Therefore, the facts presented in this article will, I hope, be of general interest to researchers of language and language psychology.

To clarify the essence of the matter, it can be noted that in yana there is no category of gender. On the other hand, there are a small number of verb stems that refer exclusively to activities performed by either a man or a woman, for example. ni-, ni- "the man is walking", but "a-" the woman is walking", bu-ri-, bu-ri- "the man is dancing", but dja-ri, dja-rT- "the woman is dancing"1^ In the latter case the difference in the verb probably reflects an actual difference in the character of the dance Further, a number of verbs denoting more or less anomalous appearance receive the suffix -yai- when referring to a woman, e.g. lulmai-"a "to be blind" ( about a male person), but lulmai-yai-"a "to be blind". This -yai- is an incorporated form of the suffix element -ua "female person", often found in nouns, e.g. k!ñwi "healer", but k!uwi-ya "healer", bai-djü-si "hunter", but bai-djú-ya "hunter".

Male and female forms of speech in Yana. - In: "Teeuwen St.W.J., ed., Donum Natalicium Schrijnen". Nijmegen-Utrecht, 1929, pp. 79-85.

1 For data on the Yana language, see: S a p i g E. Yana Texts. - Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch, and Ethn>, 1910, 9, pp. 1-235; The position of Yana in the Hokan stock, ibid., 1917, 13, pp. 1-34; Yana terms of relationship, ibid., 1918, 13, pp. 153-173; The fundamental elements of Northern Yana, ibid., 1922, 13, pp. 215 - 234; Text analyzes of three Yana dialects, ibid., 1923, 20, pp. 263 - 294. The yang spelling used here is explained in these works.

The vast majority of words in yana have two variants each: the full, or masculine, form, and the reduced, or feminine, form.

form. The terms "masculine" and "feminine" are not quite adequate, since the masculine forms are used only by men when referring to men, while the feminine forms are used by women when referring to men, or women and men when referring to women. In other words, female forms are used about three times more often than male ones. There is no doubt that the taboo of male forms for women does not arise, since a woman does not hesitate to use male forms when quoting a man's speech to a man, for example, telling a myth in which one male character addresses another.

There seem to be two different methods of juxtaposing masculine and feminine variants, depending on phonetic and grammatical factors. The masculine variant may coincide with the absolute, or theoretically basic, form of the word, in which case the feminine variant is formed from the masculine by phonetic reduction of the final syllable; or the feminine variant coincides with the theoretically basic form of the word, in which case the masculine variant is formed from the feminine by adding some syllable, the choice of which depends on the category of the given form. In both cases, the male version is longer than the female. As we shall see below, very specific gender contrasts appear in the interrogative. It must be made clear that formal gender distinctions apply only to full words, and not to stems or suffixal elements as such. Thus, the masculine forms "ai-pa "fire", "ai-"shs^a "my fire" correspond to the feminine forms "ai" "fire", "ai-"shgh" "my fire"; the contrast between "ai-pa and" aie disappears as soon as a suffixal element (e.g. "my") is added to the absolute or thematic form "ai-". "sorceress" correspond to the female forms k\ure^ (-\\a here turned into a deaf yes plus a deaf r, or a deaf hyu with a 1-shaped timbre), k\n^\-uya (-ua turned into a deaf y with i -figurative timbre); the contrast between k!i\U1 and k!ida* is not realized in the forms meaning "healer", since the suffix -ua protects the element k!d\*a- from reduction.

Of course, in this work it is impossible to fully describe all the rules for the formation of forms that distinguish sex, since this would require too many grammatical details. We can only illustrate the main phonetic and morphological oppositions.

One large class combines all non-monosyllabic nominal and many verb forms in which the absolute form, which coincides with the masculine variant, ends in a short vowel (a, (, and; but not e, o). In the corresponding feminine variant, the final vowel is stunned, as well as and the preceding consonant, if it is not voiceless in itself.. "Intermediate", or "voiceless weak", stop (b, gL, g, o \ y> become aspirated voiceless (p?, g /, ks, ghs). Therefore, the feminine variant in -g, "* may be the result of the reduction of the forms -gL and -si;

e.g. in the masculine variant s-za-gL, in the feminine n1-za-r/1, "they say he is leaving"; in the male r "acn", in the female r" agl "place".

The following table of masculine and feminine endings covers the available examples (-a replaces -a, -1 or -i here):

Very rare are examples of a final glottal stop with a preceding vowel in the absolute - masculine - form. The best example is the soft imperative ending, -rn^ar" which gives -rn^ar"a in the feminine version, e.g. gLtt^aga" "please tell him", in the female version of gLtp^ag"a.

A special subtype of the first main class of forms is the second person singular in -pita (masculine), e.g. r/TvGpita "you say", tfimsiwa,numa "you are told, he tells you", "ai" pshpa "your fire". The parallel feminine form does not end in *-pit "but, as might be expected, but simply in -pi. However, the masculine form should not be considered as a combination of the absolute -pi with the masculine element -ta, which would be consistent with the second class of forms, but as a form identical to the absolute form na-pita This becomes clear from the fact that the element -pita must be postulated for both male and female forms in an interrogative, e.g. in the feminine g/GvGpita.Moreover, the final -ta occurs without the preceding -pi- in such forms as the masculine gLpshkhua "ta" I'm telling you, the feminine ^shsh\ya"ta.

The second class of forms includes all nominal forms, the few of which do not end in a short vowel, all monosyllabic nominal themes, demonstratives, and many verb forms. All these forms are characterized by an additional masculine syllable. All names whose themes end in long vowels (a, g, d, e, o), diphthongs (sh, ai, ig) or consonants, as well as all monosyllabic nominal themes, suffice -pa in the masculine version, but remain unchanged in the feminine option, except for the excursion (-g). Examples:

The above rule is in some cases somewhat obscured by the operation of phonetic laws: for example, in the northern dialect, the finite syllabic pit, if they are not protected immediately by the following nasal, pass into r and r; in addition, r/ and p" before nasal consonants become voiceless nasals with a glottal stop. If the topic ends in 1 or a voiceless Г, the suffix -pa is assimilated into -1a, for example, in the masculine variant dal-la "hand", in female dal*". In the Yahi dialect, the suffix -pa (-1a) is used in some cases

(e.g. masculine "au-na "fire"), some with hi (e.g. masculine ya-hi "man").

To demonstrative words ending in -e, - "e" is added to form masculine forms. in masculine aiye "e "that one", in feminine aiye; in masculine aige "e "over there (to) that", in feminine aige.

A significant number of forms, mostly verbal, are obtained by adding -"a or -"i to the absolute forms used by women. These forms include:

Third person futurum in -si-"i, e.g. in masculine trûsi"i "he will do", in feminine t/tisi. Wed masculine t/ûsi "he does", feminine fus1.

The first person of the futurum on -sik!ô-"a, for example in the masculine version t"usiklô"a "I will do", in the feminine t"usikîô.

The third person usitativa in -ta- "a, for example in the masculine version of trûma" a "he used to do", in the feminine t "ùma.

Third person dubative in -k!u-"i, e.g. in masculine nisaklu"i "perhaps he will leave", in feminine nisâklu.

Third person passive in -wa-"a, e.g. in the masculine ap"djîsiwa"a "he is killed", in the feminine ap"djîsiwa.

Some causative forms of the third person that have undergone contraction, for example:

So, from mô- "to eat" are formed: the masculine form môt"i "they say that he eats", the feminine mot / 1, the masculine môtrê"a "they say that he feeds", the feminine môt"ê.

7. Possessive verbal and nominal forms, as well as adverbial combinations ending in -k "i-" a, for example. in the masculine version lautrkfi"a "they say that his X is strong"* (the result of the contraction of the quotative -tfi and the possessive -kfi"a), in the feminine lautfk"i, in the masculine rnômauk"i"a "[he eats] it (t .e. another) food", in the feminine mômaukfi, in the masculine bâwisakVa "in the evening", in the feminine bawisak"i.

"The English translation of the possessive form of yana is difficult to translate into Russian: it looks like "his is said to be strong; for lack of a better variant, the English substantiated his is translated into Russian as "his X". - Approx. transl.

Imperatives constitute a special group of verb forms. The masculine variants on -"V and -"a" correspond to the feminine ones on -"* and -"a, i.e. the final glottal stop disappears in the feminine variants, for example in the masculine version nisa "i" "go away!", in the feminine nisa"1. The absence of a final glottal stop is also characteristic of feminine imperatives with the first person of the object, for example. in the masculine version diwai-dja" "look at me!", in the feminine diwai-tc*a , in the masculine diwai-krigi "look at us!", in the feminine diwaik"ik"".

Interrogative forms differ from the two classes of forms we have already considered in that they have different suffixes or enclitics used by men and women. In the normal interrogative in masculine forms, there is an element -p, which requires dynamic stress and a falling (not rising) tone on the preceding vowel, e.g. "au"asfn "is there a fire?". In the corresponding feminine form, the final vowel is lengthened, usually retains its original quality, and receives a power accent and a falling tone, e.g. "au" asT "is there a fire?". However, some forms in -a correspond to a feminine interrogative in -"(, for example, in the masculine form (ts!ewal"awa-randjan "did I make a noise?", in the feminine ts!ewal"awarandjT; in addition, forms ending in a diphthong or a consonant, get -uG in the feminine version, for example in the masculine version ga "layau-nan" scream ", in the feminine version ga" layau-yT. in the masculine version of aidje "en" is that one?, in the female aidje "e.

Another interrogative, more emphatic than the previous one, is actually expressed by an enclitic - pa in the masculine version and gi in the feminine - attached to the appropriate form with the meaning of gender, for example, in the masculine version tsllwal "asi" nuga pa "are you making noise?" , in feminine ts!ewal"asi"nukfga.

As we have seen, most words in yana have distinct masculine and feminine variants. There are, however, some words that coincide in the speech of both sexes. These include: 1. syntactic particles (ai, indicator of the third person of the subject; aitc", article; dji, article with possessive forms of the first person; dju, article with possessive forms of the second person; k*", indicator of possessiveness of the third person; gi, object particle);

substantive verbs and "it is" and be "it is... which...":

some passive forms ending in a long vowel (e.g. ap"djTwara "he was killed", tlml "to be the addressee of the speech").

Further, final short vowels drop out before words beginning with neutral (smooth) vowels, so that in a sentence or phrase the gender distinction sometimes disappears. In such cases, the original form of the consonant appears, for example, the masculine form pfadi "place" and the feminine pfatri appear in the masculine form aitcf pfad aidja "place there" and the feminine form aitc "p * ad aitcf, respectively. There are also morphological processes that require information absolute forms within a word to forms that match

female variants, for example, the male variant dalüwi "both hands" and the female daluoj1 take the form dalua?1 in some cases, for example. in the masculine version daluWkVa "his hands", in the feminine dalüojikri.

Summing up what has been said, we can conclude that the feminine and masculine speech variants in the Yana language come from two psychologically different sources. In a minority of cases, we are dealing with sex-distinguishing particles. In the overwhelming majority of cases, feminine variants can best be explained as abbreviated forms, which, from the point of view of their origin, have nothing to do with sex, but are isolated feminine variants or reduced forms, motivated by the phonetic and morphological economy of the language. Perhaps the reduced female forms are conventional symbols of a less central or less ritually significant status of women in society. Men, communicating with men, speak more fully and leisurely; when women are involved in communication, the shortened way of pronunciation is preferred! This explanation is plausible, but the feminine forms in yana are now a complex and highly formalized system, in many respects opposed to the parallel system of forms used by men when addressing men.

Low voice, tyranny of grammar and diminutives: does speech have a gender or are these chauvinist stereotypes? As part of the series of lectures “Learning Russian with Capable People”, Alexander Pipersky, lecturer at the Department of Computational Linguistics at the Russian State Humanitarian University and researcher at the Laboratory of Sociolinguistics at the RANEPA, told how male speech differs from female speech.

Low voice - rescue from a predator

The most noticeable difference between male and female speech is the pitch of the voice. It's all about the length of the vocal cords: in men they are longer, and in women they are shorter. It is in order to accommodate them that the Adam's apple sticks out on the neck of men - Adam's apple. The vocal cords are arranged like the strings on a guitar: if the string is pressed and thus shortened, the tone becomes higher. Biologists believe that long cords are an evolutionary adaptation: the owner of a low voice seems larger than the owner of a high voice, and therefore natural enemies are afraid to contact him. Long vocal cords and a deep voice attracted women to men and scared away predators.

But linguists know that women and men differ not only in the height of their voices: grammar, style, and communicative behavior - all this gives out the gender of the speaker. For example, it is much more natural to hear the phrase “they locked up a healthy closet” from a man than from a woman, but “that’s so tiny” - on the contrary. And in Japanese, depending on gender and status, even first-person pronouns differ: men say “boku” to themselves, and women say “atashi”.

The Tyranny of Grammar

Grammar is the most tyrannical part of the language system: it determines what meanings the speaker of the language must express. For example, in Russian we are required to designate the person and number of the agent for verbs in the present tense (I write, write, write), but in Swedish we do not (“to write” in the present tense will be “skriver” regardless of person and number). But in the singular of the past tense in Russian, the gender is necessarily indicated by the verb, so we cannot describe any of our actions in the past tense without giving out our gender: we must definitely say either “I came” or “I came”. And, for example, in Portuguese, the grammar requires you to indicate the gender when you thank: "thank you" from the lips of a woman is "obrigada", and from the lips of a man - "obrigado" (literally - "grateful" and "grateful"). Why language has such grammatical categories and not others is an unanswered question: in the case of gender, it is tempting to look for a connection between language and culture, but there is no reliable evidence for this.

"Male" and "female" languages

Sometimes they write that there are languages ​​in which there is a male and female version. This is also reported about Japanese, and about Chukchi, and about many languages ​​of the American Indians. So, in the Chukchi language, women say [ts] where men pronounce [r] and [h]: for example, a man will call a polar fox the word “rekokalgyn”, and a woman will say “tsekokalgyn”. In the Yana language (California, USA), some words are longer for men than for women: if the word "tree" is spoken by a man, he will say "'ina", and if a woman, then she will say "'iʰ". True, if you look closely, it turns out that these are not absolute differences between the sexes, but differences in styles: the female language is usually neutral, and the male one is more rude, like in Japanese, or more formal, like in the Yang language. It turns out that among the Yana Indians, the language, which was previously considered masculine, is used in the communication of men among themselves, in official speech, as well as in the conversation of a man with his mother-in-law - and feminine in all other cases by both women and men. This example shows that there are no purely feminine and purely masculine variants of the language, but there are styles that are more or less associated with masculine or feminine behavior.

Nuances of communication

People of different sexes differ in what they talk about and in what situations. We used to think that women talk a lot and often interrupt - but research has shown that this stereotype is wrong. In mixed groups, men talk more and interrupt more often. But women are more likely to compliment others: this may seem unexpected (after all, we are used to the idea that men compliment women), but such is life. And if you don't believe it, open Facebook and see what happens when a girl posts a new photo. Her friends immediately write in the comments “How beautiful you are!”, And men do this much less often - perhaps for fear that their intentions will be misinterpreted. In short, men and women communicate differently, but it is clear that there will always be exceptions to the rules.

Paul and computer

A person can often determine gender by written text - and why is a computer worse? The task of automatic gender determination is one of the central ones in computational linguistics. Marketers will be very happy with her decision: for example, it would be interesting for them to collect all the reviews on vacuum cleaners on the Web and find out what men and women think about them. But engineers have not yet been able to achieve 100% accuracy: the best modern algorithms can determine the gender of the author of the text with an accuracy of 80-90%. To do this, easily formalized features are extracted from the text (the number of combinations of the form “I + verb in the masculine past tense”, the share of punctuation marks in the total number of characters, and so on), and then a statistical model is built that predicts who is most likely to wrote this text. Signs can also be non-trivial: for example, it turned out that the formality of style indicates male authorship rather than female authorship. And in order to evaluate this parameter, you can count the parts of speech: for formal, and hence for masculine, texts, nouns, adjectives and prepositions are characteristic, and for women - pronouns, verbs, adverbs and interjections.

What do men and women need?

In 2011, Yandex published a study that showed how male and female search queries differ. It turned out that men's queries are on average shorter than women's (3.2 vs. 3.5 words). At the same time, men make typos more often, and also use numbers and the Latin alphabet more often. Women are more likely to ask questions in the form of questions (how to lose weight, how to kiss properly) and use color names almost twice as often. There is also a difference in topics: men are more likely to ask about information technology and electronics, and women - about relationships between people, children, clothes and job search. Therefore, for example, the request "Grand Theft Auto 5 download" is almost certainly male (it contains the name of the computer game, and the Latin alphabet, and the number, and a typo), and the request "where to buy a cheap jacket in Moscow" is female (it has question form, and it has as many as six words).

The lecturer used the following materials:

1) W. Tecumseh Fitch. Vocal Tract Length Perception and the Evolution of Language. PhD Thesis. 1994. P. 23.

2) E.V. Perekhvalskaya. Gender and Grammar // Proceedings of the International Scientific Conference "Language - Gender - Tradition", April 25–27, 2002, St. Petersburg, 2002, pp. 110–118.

3) P. Kunsmann. Gender, Status and Power in Discourse Behavior of Men and Women. Linguistik Online 5. 2000.

4) Janet Holmes. Paying Compliments: A Sex-Preferential Positive Politeness Strategy. Journal of Pragmatics 12. 1988. Pp. 445–465.

5) Arjun Mukherjee, and Bing Liu. Improving Gender Classification of Blog Authors. In Proceedings of the 2010 Conference on Empirical Methods in Natural Language Processing. 2010. Pp. 207–217.

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