Class hour “My homeland is multinational and unique. Russia is a multinational state We live in a multinational country



Introduction

Federal structure and history of a multinational state

Russia is a multinational state

Conclusion


Introduction


The logic of political science, its content, and, consequently, its specificity in comparison with other social sciences are largely determined by the understanding of politics as a social phenomenon.

The term "politics" (from the Greek word "polis") refers to essentially contested concepts that still cause heated debate. And this is natural. Having appeared more than two thousand years ago, politics has evolved along with the development of society. By giving the rights of citizenship to a new term, Aristotle understood it as a civilized form of community, serving to achieve the “common good” and “happy life.” Since then, the content of the term has received various interpretations, in which, depending on the circumstances, certain properties of politics as a social phenomenon came to the fore. However, despite all the differences in approaches to its definition, politics has essential features that distinguish it from all forms of social interactions.

The totalitarian past and many years of lack of demand for political science in Russia did not allow wide sections of society to competently and meaningfully participate in the formation of democratic institutions of power, revealing their political underdevelopment and naivety. However, as Nobel Prize laureate M. Friedman rightly noted, “... society is what we ourselves make it... The creation of a society that protects and expands the freedom of the human individual, does not allow excessive expansion of the power of the state and is watching. so that the government always remains the servant of the people and does not turn into their master.”

The solution to such a large-scale task largely depends on the formation of a civically mature and politically active personality, capable of living in conditions of freedom and democracy. The creative potential of this type of personality is due to its orientation towards such values ​​of civil culture as rights, freedoms and personal dignity; respect for democratic institutions of government, political tolerance, respect for opposition and dissent; the desire for harmony, the prevention and civilized resolution of conflicts, etc. The assimilation of the norms of democratic culture allows the individual to actually and competently participate in social transformations. And here political science can and should play an invaluable role.


1. Federal structure and history of a multinational state

multinational Russian state

The Russian Federation is a historically multinational country, and, therefore, one of the main tasks of the state structure of Russia has been and remains the arrangement of its peoples within a single state. This problem covers both federalology and ethnopolitical science, as well as a number of other scientific and educational disciplines. It is important for us to substantiate the advantages of a federal state in the arrangement of various peoples, capable of preserving their originality and at the same time ensuring state unity.

Modern Russia is home to about 200 peoples and ethnic groups, different in language, characteristics of their material and spiritual culture, and religious affiliation. Russia is a communal state that has developed over many centuries, consisting of a union of peoples and is the result of the evolution of peoples who have a common history, on the basis of which the solidary socio-political, spiritual and moral qualities of the community are formed, which was formerly called the Soviet people, and now the multinational Russian by the people. At the same time, invariably emphasize the fundamental role of the Russian people in the ethnic, ethnocultural and political formation of Russian statehood, which today represents the result of the historical solidary community of different peoples on the basis of Russian culture while maintaining their originality.

Historical trends in the formation of a multinational Russian state. The process of uniting people and nations was carried out in several ways: on the one hand, Russia, becoming an empire, expanded, annexing new lands and peoples, and, of course, like other colonial empires, sought to assimilate them. However, thanks to the spiritual characteristics, primarily of the Russian and other peoples of the country, it was still possible to preserve the unique diversity of cultures, religions and languages. And most importantly, move along the path of building a solidary community - the multinational people of the Russian Federation. At the same time, the management of the “national outskirts”, even under the conditions of the tsarist autocracy, was carried out to one degree or another taking into account their local and national-ethnic specifics. For example, the Grand Duchy of Finland had a special legal status within Russia and enjoyed broad autonomy. It had its own constitution, approved by the emperor. In the Polish territories that became part of Russia, the Kingdom of Poland was formed, which also had a special status. The Baltic states had the usual administrative-territorial division into provinces without any special interference in socio-ethnic and ethnocultural affairs. At the end of the 18th century. they were united into the Baltic region, which had a special legal status. The Bessarabian region had autonomy status. In Central Asia, the Turkestan region was formed, headed by a governor general. The Emir of Bukhara and the Khanate of Khiva retained the attributes of independent states that were under the protectorate of Russia.

Another trend - harshly aggressive - was partially realized in the North Caucasus, although here everything cannot be reduced to the Caucasian war, as many still do. And long before the war, the peoples of the Caucasus were drawn to Russia and lived quite peacefully with the Russians. Look at the agreement with the Avar Khan in 1588 or with the Chechen communities in 1708. I'm not even talking about Kabarda and Ossetia, Georgia and Armenia. For many Russian people, the Caucasus has become a homeland, a source of inspiration, creativity and knowledge of friendship. The generous spiritual beauty of the peoples of the Caucasus did not leave the great Russian people indifferent, just as the openness of the Russian soul was attractive to the Caucasians. Although the laws and traditions of the time were very strict. And there are plenty of tragedies that happened under various political regimes. And conflicts still break out, which are provoked by various kinds of political provocateurs during the transition period. But over the years, oddly enough, due to the archaic nature of the tsarist political regime, both the level of consideration of ethno-national characteristics and adaptation to each other began to decline; national separatism and national chauvinism, with their aggressive manifestations, began to destroy the unity of Russia.

Unitarization of state construction and management as a factor in creating a revolutionary situation at the beginning of the 20th century. The national-chauvinistic course of tsarism gradually increased. The independence and special status of Finland and Poland were reduced to a minimum, although under the pressure of circumstances some concessions were made on the national issue. “The Russification of the natives was the primary task of the new Caucasian administration, and the school was the best tool” - these were the guidelines of the tsarist administration. Even Georgian and Armenian parochial schools were banned as developing a “spirit of national isolation”1, although they had previously existed. In this regard, tsarism fully prepared the peoples of Russia for a revolutionary rebellion, often leaving no other forms of protecting their national identity for the possibility of its development. The vaunted excessive centralization of the state did not strengthen the Russian state, but prepared it for collapse, although the attitude of ordinary Russian people and part of the progressive intelligentsia towards other peoples of the empire, as well as them towards the Russian people, was historically generally friendly, benevolent, and solidary. As a result, representatives of all nationalities of Russia stood up in the struggle against tsarism, as well as in defense of tsarism. Together with the Russian people, which once again confirms the historical closeness of our peoples, the commonality of their destiny.

Two trends in the state structure of Russia. In the sphere of development of peoples in the Russian state, it is necessary to overcome the dictates of two trends: aggressive national chauvinism, national unitarianism, on the one hand, and national separatism, on the other. These are objective tendencies, however, they are dangerous in their extremes, and not in themselves. The greatest threat to the integrity of the country is posed by national separatism, which boils down to political demands for the secession of individual peoples and subjects of the Federation from the Federation. Let's roughly call this an attempt to destroy the integrity of the Federation on the part of its outskirts. This was clearly demonstrated by the tragic experience of legitimization (primarily by Russia) of the collapse of the Soviet Union. But often this trend intensifies against the backdrop of tightening unitarism, where the possibilities for independent development of territories and peoples are reduced to a minimum. It should be noted that such attempts to destroy the integrity of the Federation come from the center.

To secede from the USSR, as is known, the RSFSR used in the early 90s. experience of “legal aggression”. This was a very dangerous period for Russian statehood, because it marked a break in historical continuity in the state structure of a multinational country, not to mention a violation of the constitutional norm of maintaining integrity, and not simply the collapse of one or another political system. All this should be taken into account when analyzing the processes of the 90s, and not reduced to the ethnic factor. It is also important to realize that the ethno-national factor was largely a cover for specific political projects of struggle and collapse.

There will be a completely viable Federation in Russia, provided that the Constitution of the country is strictly followed from Moscow and further to every village. However, this viability was already adversely affected by the weakening of state power in general, as well as the bipolarity of public opinion, closed in its extremes, and, in addition, a huge number of socio-political organizations (more than 3 thousand), which in their program documents declare the most contradictory and approaches to solving problems of government, and especially the national question, that are contrary to the country’s Constitution. For Russian politicians, the relationship between ethnicity and state is the most incomprehensible and controversial problem with a lot of theses offensive to the united people. Our ethno-national issues are historically overloaded with false prejudices and stereotypes. Steps to practically realize the potential of the Federation in strengthening the integrity of the state are being taken by the new President of Russia V.V. Putin, who is moving to reform federal relations, right down to local self-government. However, instead of democratic, legal mechanisms for implementing this reform, in practice there is often again a bias towards bare administration, unitarism and unification.

The position of modern parties and movements in the state building of modern Russia. Parties and movements of national-patriotic orientation see the federal structure of Russia as a strictly unitary state, emphasizing that only on such a basis can Russia be strengthened as a “great power” (Congress of Russian Communities, LDPR). They believe that the issue of developing and accepting forms of self-determination by the peoples of Russia should be excluded altogether, including from the Constitution. This is a previous attempt to build everyone along the line of strict unitarianism, preventing the principles of democracy from being included in the state structure, which indicates a lack of understanding that we are talking about self-determination and identity, first of all, of the Russian people. In addition, the fate of the Russian nation, concentrated throughout the country in territories and regions, largely depends on the possibilities of both independent and holistic development in a single country in alliance with all the peoples of the Russian Federation. The main prospects for the development of the Russian state and the peoples of Russia depend primarily on the state and prospects for the development of the Russian people.


2. Russia is a multinational state


Lately, life itself has been pushing us to understand many pressing issues of national policy. Raising and discussing them is not easy, but avoiding this means driving the problems deeper and giving rise to relapses of what we have already received in Kondopoga and on Manezhnaya Square in Moscow. Among the priority problems of today, I consider the need for special attention to the development of the Russian people, Russian culture and the Russian language. I am impressed that this topic was clearly stated by Russian President D.A. Medvedev during a recent meeting with leaders of parliamentary parties. This is an important signal. I would like to believe that he will reverse the strange trends in our political life, in particular, the absurd “shyness” in the use of the concepts “Russian”, “Russian people”, “Russian identity”, etc., almost reaching the point of ousting them from political vocabulary. Such a falsely understood tolerance leads to the fact that extremists begin to interpret the “Russian question” in their own way, speculating on it and poisoning the consciousness of young people. And this is not tolerance at all! This is stupidity and misunderstanding of the soul of multinational Russia, its history and modern realities.

We can rightfully say that the words “We, a multinational people,” with which our Constitution begins, were written by History itself. In the same way, the principle of federalism that underlies our statehood, the principles of equal rights of nations and the inadmissibility of interethnic hatred are historically determined. Russia emerged and developed as a multinational state. Otherwise, it could not have developed given the scale of the Eurasian space from the Baltic to the Pacific Ocean, with the unique ethnic, geographical and natural-climatic diversity that it had to master and unite. It is appropriate to recall the vivid formula of Russian identity, which belongs to Catherine II: “Russia is not a state, Russia is the universe. How many climates there are, how many peoples, how many languages, customs and beliefs!”

Due to such features, the “melting pot” strategies and methods that we know from the history of other countries were completely unsuitable for Russia. We had nothing similar to what, for example, white settlers did with the Indians during the era of the development of North America or what happened during other colonialist epics, when entire ethnic groups disappeared without a trace and were assimilated by a stronger nation. Being part of Russia, not a single people has lost their native language. Moreover, about a hundred peoples and nationalities that did not have a written language acquired it along with national textbooks and schools. Under the hand of Russian statehood, many peoples received such a state-legal status that they could hardly have had under other variants of historical development.

Looking back at history and comprehending the realities of today, we have the right to formulate three important theses.

First. It is the Russians who have always been and are now the core and unifying force of the multinational Russian people. It was on them that the mission of the collector of lands and the main supplier of human resources to fulfill this mission lay and lies. The fact that today more than 80% of the population of Russia are Russians, of course, should be adequately taken into account in the state national policy.

Second. Russian culture should be considered as the foundation of the Russian nation. Any nation entering the space of the Russian “universe” freely develops its national traditions. But at the same time, he has at his disposal the achievements of Russian culture, which he can also consider his own. In this sense, the system-forming role of Russian culture is completely obvious.

And finally, the third. The Russian language is the most important bond of the peoples of Russia, a factor ensuring their unity. And not only because it has state status, but due to the vital needs of the citizens themselves. After all, it is in Russian that millions of Russians of different nationalities communicate on a daily basis. And besides, for many he is also a guide to world culture. You can recall the capacious aphorism of the poet Rasul Gamzatov: “I am without the Russian language, like without wings.” The great Avar knew what he was saying: for him, who wrote poetry in his native language, it was translations into Russian that brought him the widest fame and glory.

Everything that has been said does not mean that we should talk about some kind of national superiority of the Russian people over others or special privileges for them. Moreover, this is not a reason for manifestations of narrow-minded, radical nationalism. “Nationalism is a manifestation of the weakness of a nation, not its strength,” said academician D.S. Likhachev. The greatness of the Russian people lies in the fact that their national character has always been dominated by a respectful, noble attitude towards other peoples, friendliness and the desire to live in harmony with their neighbors, communicating with them on equal terms. A lot here comes from the nature of “Russianness,” which itself had a huge variety of origins. It is enough to read the ancient chronicles to be amazed at the diversity of tribes that Rus' crystallized from. Well, if we take our entire history as a whole, we will find an endless amount of evidence that the “Russian idea” that the philosopher N.A. spoke about. Berdyaev, for centuries has been inextricably linked with the idea of ​​intercultural integration with the peoples of the Caucasus, Volga region, North, Siberia and many others. And it is no coincidence that one of the symbols of the Russian soul has become the great Volga River, which absorbs many other rivers and rivulets and at the same time gives life-giving moisture to everything that is in its area. The historical self-realization of the Russian ethnos, its civilizational power became possible precisely because of this openness and generosity, and not at all because of the desire to withdraw into oneself, to get rid of “alien” influences.

This truth is completely misunderstood by those figures who throw into society the slogan “Russia is only for Russians.” This is not just politicking and provocation. There is dense ignorance and immorality here. The slogan, presented as a defensive one, essentially humiliates the Russian people. Because they are trying to replace the broad Russian consciousness with a narrow ethnic one. The complexes of some downtrodden tribe are being imposed on a great people. If “Russia is only for Russians,” then what should we do with Pushkin and his admixtures of African blood? What to do with Akhmatova, who was Gorenko by birth, and took her pseudonym after the name of a distant Golden Horde ancestor? What to do with the great Orthodox philosopher Florensky if he is Armenian by mother?

Once upon a time, the outstanding scientist Vladimir Dal, who created the “Explanatory Dictionary of the Living Great Russian Language,” in response to the proposal of the Baltic Germans to self-identify in their community, replied: “I think and speak Russian, which means I belong to Russian culture and the Russian world.” This is a truly high understanding of “Russianness,” which is based not so much on the “call of blood” but on spiritual and civic principles. But if we define “Russianness” only by anthropological characteristics, “purity of race,” then we deprive ourselves of Gogol, Lermontov, Kuprin, Blok, the artists Levitan and Aivazovsky, the commander Bagration, the navigator Bellingshausen. What can I say! Entire noble families with Caucasian or Tatar roots, entire layers of the Russian intelligentsia, according to this flawed logic, would fall out of Russian history. And, unfortunately, such a primitive consciousness manages to be imposed on that part of the youth who, apparently, do not have a strong knowledge of Russian history and culture.

A traditional Russian question arises: what to do? Any national problem requires exceptional balance not only in decisions, but even in the tone of discussions. Therefore, when some politicians reduce everything only to cries about “genocide of the Russian people” or even worse - to rude attacks against specific national republics, similar to what Mr. V.V. recently made. Zhirinovsky, this can only inflame passions and lead the situation to a dead end.

One may disagree with those who believe that the root of evil is allegedly in some “flaws” in our Constitution. They say that all the troubles come from the fact that the Russian people are not called state-forming people. It is not forbidden, of course, to discuss: is there any point in such clarifications or not? But this is hardly the main thing. Doesn’t the very name of the state say enough – “Russian Federation”? Here, the entire dialectic of our statehood is already expressed: the concept of “Federation” reflects its multinational character, and the definition of “Russian” clearly indicates the fundamental, unifying role of the Russian people.

In general, the search for simple and quick solutions to the national question is an unpromising activity. One can be critical, for example, of the shocking calls by the people to abolish national autonomies and replace them with provinces of the pre-revolutionary model. Such crude intrusions into the delicate fabric of the national-state structure can break a lot of wood, but the peoples themselves will not go away, and therefore, the problems of interethnic relations and what gives rise to them will not go away either.

It is important to understand: the very interethnic contradictions and conflicts that we face today are just the tip of the iceberg. And their main, deep-seated reasons lie in the unresolved socio-economic problems, huge social stratification, mass poverty, unemployment, and the lack of life prospects for many people. When a person is humiliated and insulted by the fact of his miserable existence, it is very easy to push him to the idea that someone with a different hair color, eye shape, etc. is supposedly to blame for this. Who mainly went on a rampage at Manezhnaya and during subsequent unauthorized actions? Some seasoned, “ideological” xenophobes? Not at all. These were mainly 14-15 year old teenagers from the outskirts of Moscow and from small towns in the Moscow region, children from not very wealthy families, whose fate, apparently, is not seriously addressed by either parents, schools, local authorities, or the relevant government agencies. working with youth. To see this as just a surge of extremism is wrong. This was undoubtedly a social protest, although expressed in a completely inadequate form. Well, such factors as unprofessionalism and corruption of law enforcement agencies, lack of control over migration processes, etc. also acted as detonators of interethnic hatred.

That is why, when talking about national politics, we should not reduce everything to just a narrow range of issues. We need a broad, large-scale look at it. What is needed is not a search for some miraculous panacea, but systematic, comprehensive and coordinated work. Unfortunately, so far what we pass off as national policy looks more like an imitation. For a long time there was not even a corresponding line in the budget. With difficulty, we finally got it to appear in the 2011 budget. But those 80 million rubles that appear in the “national policy” column are a drop in the ocean. They can provide some support to national cultural centers and hold a number of events. But it is unrealistic to solve the large-scale and complex problems that arise in the sphere of interethnic relations with such a feeble approach. Moreover, all this is entrusted to the Ministry of Regional Development of the Russian Federation, which already has many major concerns related to the country’s construction complex, housing and communal services, etc. National policy, it turns out, was initially relegated to some secondary, “optional” position.

Meanwhile, underestimation of national policy negatively affects all peoples and nationalities of Russia - both small and large. Everyone feels this to one degree or another, everyone feels dissatisfaction. For Russians too, this gives rise to misunderstanding, and even a feeling of some kind of systemic injustice. Moreover, there are a number of factors that add nagging severity and anxiety. Let's not forget that the collapse of the USSR hit the Russian people the hardest: millions of compatriots at one point found themselves separated by borders from their historical homeland. We must not forget about the consequences of the “sovereignty parade” of the 90s, when there was a mass exodus of Russians from a number of national republics, and about the demographic “Russian cross” - a bitter symbol indicating that since the beginning of the 90s the mortality curve among the Russian population intersected with the fertility curve and rushed upward from it. Not every nation is able to withstand such blows of fate. The state should really begin to heal all these severe social and psychological traumas, but so far it has been avoiding and avoiding everything.

Unfortunately, quite a significant part of our political and business elite, many officials at the federal and regional levels do not understand the severity of national problems. These figures do not call Russia Russia, but “this country.” They are terribly disconnected from the pressing concerns of ordinary Russians, they think exclusively in terms of macroeconomic indicators, profits, and efficiency. But people turn their nose up at the concepts of “spirit of the people”, “national traditions”, “cultural development”, considering them as something secondary, or even completely unnecessary.

“Great ignorance of Russia among Russia!” - N.V. once exclaimed sadly. Gogol. It seems that if he were alive, he would repeat the same thing, looking at some of the realities of modern life. For example, how indifferent officials are towards the Russian village, seeing it as just one of many sectors of the economy. Hence the cynical views that we allegedly have an excess of rural population. Hence the chronic stinginess in state support measures for agricultural producers, thoughtless cuts in the social sphere, and massive closures of rural schools under the label of “optimization.” There is no understanding that the village is a unique way of life for millions of people, which to this day is the custodian of many original Russian traditions and customs. That this is a protected place from which the springs of our national character flow. If we do not protect all this from degradation, then in the end the roots of our national consciousness will be cut off and we will all begin to turn into Ivans who do not remember kinship.

Let's take our education system. One wonders why the public is forced to fight with officials so that the number of hours for teaching Russian literature and the Russian language is not cut, so that our younger generation leaves school literate and spiritual, and not stupidly memorized answers to Unified State Examination tests. The latest story with the draft educational standards generally looks like the apotheosis of bureaucratic insanity. How could it be possible to think of not including the Russian language (which is the state language!) among the compulsory subjects? This, in my opinion, can only be offered by those who have completely forgotten what country they live in.

An absolutely anti-national and anti-cultural model has emerged today on our television. Here, too, everything is determined by utilitarian logic, narrow economic interest, ratings, and advertising revenue. Do you want to join the famous Russian ballet and opera, and film adaptations of Russian classics? Go to the “Culture” channel - a kind of reservation for the intelligent public. All other channels are busy with something else - incessant “soap operas”, crime series, black stuff, entertainment, “strawberries”. Please note: even Russian folk songs have practically disappeared from mass television and radio broadcasts. Nationless, rootless pop music reigns everywhere.

But in all this there is a double danger. On the one hand, aggressive, corrupting mass culture, replacing true culture, hurts the moral health of Russians. But on the other hand, it also hits those centuries-old ties that connect them with other peoples of Russia. After all, what has the Russian language always brought to non-Russian peoples? Light, goodness, enlightenment. And this was received with gratitude. And what might be the reaction of representatives of, say, Islamic culture to the streams of dirt and immorality pouring from television screens, from the pages of the “yellow press”, from the Internet? At a minimum, this reaction will be a desire to isolate oneself from the evil broadcast in Russian. But something else is also possible - retaliatory aggression towards everything Russian. In this sense, a showman who swears on television, or a “star” who publicly demonstrates his naked charms, are the same provocateurs as a skinhead who tries to beat foreigners. Everything here is interconnected, and this vicious circle must eventually be broken.

The country needs a law “On the Fundamentals of National Policy.” The Federation Council is actively working on a corresponding bill. But the problem is so complex and multifaceted that it is hardly possible to immediately produce a completely finished product. Given the particular importance of the issue, wide public discussion will be required, as was the case with the bills “On Police” and “On Education”.

We need not only to formulate the right ideas and principles, but also to lay down effective mechanisms to ensure that the national factor is taken into account when solving any socio-economic and other problems. And also to create regulators of interethnic relations that would effectively ensure the prevention and resolution of conflict situations, establishing a system of intercultural communications and educating citizens about the traditions and customs of different nationalities living in Russia. In our country, there should still be a special government agency that would be responsible for all these issues. Of course, we do not mean creating another bureaucratic monster that just produces circulars and uses up budget funds. No, we need a truly living, operationally functioning structure that, firstly, would coordinate the activities of all other ministries and departments from the point of view of national policy, and secondly, would develop this very national policy and implement it.

There is no escaping the reality that in a market economy, with democratic freedom of movement, the number of contacts between people of different nationalities increases sharply. In this case, there is no mention of powerful flows of labor migration coming to Russia from abroad: this is a separate topic that requires special discussion. But our internal migration is also increasing. And here you cannot create rigid barriers that would force people to sit in “national apartments”. Yes, we must strive to reduce unemployment in the North Caucasus and other regions so that people have more opportunities to realize themselves in their places of traditional residence. But the market is the market, it will inevitably stimulate internal migration, which means it’s time to learn to extract from it not only the disadvantages, but also the advantages.

In the meantime, too much is happening spontaneously. In traditionally Russian areas, enclaves arise from visitors of other nationalities who, without integrating into local communities, begin to compete for a “place in the sun”, create powerful clan ties among fellow countrymen, finding patrons among local corrupt officials. As a result, this causes acute rejection and irritable “Here we come in large numbers!” among the Russian population. No one really takes into account who, where, where and why “came in large numbers”; no analysis of these processes is carried out, no forecasts are made. There is no systematic work with national diasporas, and the authorities, politicians and the public often undertake the establishment of a constructive interethnic dialogue only occasionally, from one emergency to another. In order to avoid a vacuum in all these issues, we need a kind of “headquarters” that develops national policy and is day-to-day responsible for its implementation.


Conclusion


Today, many people quite often recall the Soviet experience in solving interethnic problems. Some talk with nostalgia about the former “friendship of peoples,” while others, on the contrary, make fun of it. There is no point in making jokes: friendship and the unity of peoples were not a myth. It is enough to remember the history of the Great Patriotic War, look at least at the list of Heroes of the Soviet Union, consisting of representatives of a wide variety of nationalities. We must study and use all the best from the Soviet experience. But, let’s say, the experience of creating a “new type of community - the Soviet people” is hardly suitable. Because it was mainly an ideological project. What was ultimately meant? First you are a communist (Komsomol member, pioneer), and then you are Russian, Bashkir, Ossetian, Chuvash, Yakut, etc.

We live in a democratic state, so we should not invent artificial ideological constructs. But it is, of course, necessary to fill the concept of “multinational Russian people” with real meaning. But this can be done only by finding a verified balance of two equal, interdependent principles - national and civil. There is nothing wrong with people’s national consciousness growing and manifesting. "I am Russian! What a delight! - commander Alexander Suvorov once said. How can such a sincere feeling harm if it is addressed primarily to oneself and is not intended to offend or humiliate anyone? Let a Russian be proud that he is Russian, a Tatar - that he is a Tatar, a Chechen - that he is a Chechen. Another thing is important: that along with this sense of self, another equally significant and strong feeling lives and grows stronger in the souls of people - pride in Russia, in belonging to a unique family of nations, in common history, the values ​​formulated in our Constitution, etc. And in this field it is necessary to concentrate as much as possible the efforts of government bodies, parties, public organizations, schools, families, scientists and cultural figures.


List of sources used


1. Mukhaev R.T. Political science: textbook for students of law and humanities faculties. - M.: PRIOR Publishing House, 2000

National interests: essence, structure, political mechanisms of formation [Electronic resource]. - Access mode: #"justify">. Modern Russia: the problem of tolerance in a multinational state [Electronic resource]. - Access mode: #"justify">. Tavadov G.T. Political science: textbook. - M.: Omega-L Publishing House, 2011

Shtanko M.A. Regional conflicts in the modern world: a textbook. - Tomsk: TPU Publishing House, 2006


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By the will of fate, I was lucky enough to attend sports competitions in Veliky Novgorod, where guys from different parts of our country gathered. As part of an assignment from the School of Interethnic Journalism, I conducted a short survey among them to find out what they thought about their ethnicity, whether they were proud of it, and what it generally meant to them.

Alexandra, Olonets: “Each nationality has its own differences, which are manifested in faith, culture and way of life. Having a common language, culture and history is very important, because we are all different and in order to somehow streamline all this, we need such a concept as nationality. For me, being Russian means being a patriot, taking care of the Motherland. Of course, I am proud of my nationality! Russia is the greatest country!”

Nikolay, Syktyvkar: “Dividing people into different nationalities is necessary for order, in order to better understand who is who. I am interested in learning about the characteristics of people of different nationalities. Being Russian for me means living in a multinational country! I am proud of my nationality and the history of my country.”

Of the eight young athletes I interviewed, all eight said almost the same thing: “We, Russians, are the most sincere and open nation.” And everyone spoke out against racism - I quote: “After all, all people are the same!” In my opinion, these two judgments somewhat contradict one another, don’t they? Therefore, I invited my interlocutors to imagine a conflict situation in which a Russian and an Arab are involved. Like, who seems to them to have provoked the quarrel? Here everyone, as they say, hesitated.

So, one cannot help but admit that in the modern world, race and nationality for some reason play a big role not only in politics, but also in relationships between ordinary people. Is this fair?

On the one hand, they are trying to drum into us from all sides about the equality of people, their sameness or at least similarity. On the other hand, they explain that each nation appears to us as a system of certain values. Question: what should we think about people of other nationalities after this?
Of course, the aggravated situation in the world puts pressure on most people, which is why doubts begin to creep into every soul as to whether we really have similar interests with other peoples. But it is still important to remember that all people are cut from the same cloth.

I myself have dual citizenship: Lithuanian and Russian. I call myself Russian because I live in Russia and I speak Russian, but I don’t see the point in classifying myself as one nationality or another. Why? Yes, because at the level of communicating with people, I do not divide them into blacks or Mongolians. For me, it is more important who is in front of me in essence. If I’m interested in a person, but, say, he has a different eye shape, so what? Should I not communicate with him, or what?
As for me, this differentiation by nationality was carried out for the very “order” that Nikolai from Syktyvkar spoke about, but does it help? This pattern has a very strong influence on the masses. “This lie was invented to hide the truth,” and it is almost impossible to fight it. The only thing we can do in this situation is to think with our own heads.

Here, of course, one cannot help but recall such a concept as the national idea.
In my understanding, the national idea is a set of characteristics by which one or another ethnic group is characterized and distinguished. The national idea carries different meanings and can manifest itself in a variety of concepts. It can be expressed in the attributes of a nation, religion, philosophy, and, probably, in mentality and even in the difference in the shape and color of traffic lights.
What we now consider to be a national idea was created through the destruction and resurrection of certain ideologies. If it were not for other circumstances, perhaps our values ​​would now be completely different. So, for example, if we talk about the global, then without the victory in the Great Patriotic War, would we now be talking about... anything at all?

Of course, now there is no point in wondering what “would have happened” to the national idea of ​​Russia if... Now, in my opinion, the main task is how to preserve what already exists and not lose it.

At one of the meetings, Vladimir Vladimirovich Putin said that the main national idea of ​​Russia is patriotism. This is undoubtedly true. Thanks to the cohesion and community of our citizens, for example, in the same Great Patriotic War, we now have the right to walk on this Earth, to recognize ourselves as representatives of one nationality or another, and most importantly, as citizens of our common great country.

Russia is a multinational, multicultural, multilingual country. It has always been this way. If we trace the history of the Russian ethnos, we will see that, in addition to the Eastern Slavs, Finno-Ugric, Turkic, Baltic tribes and nationalities took part in the formation of this ethnos. The history of Russian culture is unthinkable without ethnic Armenians and Georgians, Greeks and Tatars, Ukrainians and Poles, Germans and Jews, Italians and French, whose contribution to Russian culture can be safely compared with the contribution of ethnic Russians. Next to Andrei Rublev is Theophanes the Greek, next to Barma and Postnik is Aristotle Fioravanti, next to Bazhenov and Kazakov is Karl Rossi, next to Ivan Turgenev and Leo Tolstoy is Nikolai Gogol-Yanovsky, next to Alexander Ivanov and Ilya Repin is Karl Bryullov, Ivan Aivazovsky, Isaac Levitan and Mikhail Vrubel, next to Sergei Konenkov - Stepan Nefedov-Erzya, next to Valery Bryusov, Innokenty Annensky, Marina Tsvetaeva - Alexander Blok, Boris Pasternak and Osip Mandelstam, next to Dmitry Kabalevsky and Sergei Prokofiev - Isaac Dunaevsky, Aram Khachaturian, Alfred Schnittke, next to Konstantin Stanislavsky and Vsevolod Pudovkin - Evgeny Vakhtangov, Vsevolod Meyerhold, Sergei Eisenstein. Let us emphasize once again: they all made a contribution to Russian national culture.

In today's Russia, Russian culture not only coexists with the cultures of other peoples, it intensively interacts with them. Who can doubt that such writers as Chingiz Aitmatov, Yuri Rytkheu, Fazil Iskander, Vasil Bykov, Chabua Amirejibi, Gennady Aigi, such artists as Tahir Salakhov, such artists and directors as Rezo Gabriadze, Robert Sturua, Armen Dzhigarkhanyan, continue to work in their national cultural environment and cultural tradition, at the same time being the property of Russian culture? On the other hand, a significant part, if not the majority, of non-Russian residents of Russia who identify themselves with their native people, are proud of their culture and strive to promote it, at the same time are bearers of Russian culture and all-Russian national identity. Today, more than 150 native languages ​​are spoken in Russia, half of which are taught to some extent in school. Some of them, for example Tatar, strive to acquire all the social functions inherent in a developed language - from use in government administration to the publication of newspapers and magazines in this language. The functioning of others is limited - they are usually taught only in primary schools, they are not used in the media, there are no theaters where performances are shown in these languages, fiction, and especially scientific literature, is not published in them. For example, the Sami language on the Kola Peninsula, Udege in the Far East. But the number of people for whom this language is their native language is not decreasing, but increasing. Finally, there are languages ​​that are on the verge of extinction (and now, perhaps, have crossed this line). These are the Izhorian and Votic languages ​​in the Leningrad region, the Kerek language in Chukotka. A significant portion of Russian citizens who are not ethnically Russian are bilingual, i.e. they are more or less fluent in another language in addition to their native one. Most often this other language is Russian, the state language of the Russian Federation. But in Russia there are at least twenty other languages, used, like Russian, as a language of interethnic or interethnic communication, albeit in a limited region. For example, for many peoples of Dagestan, whose languages ​​are sometimes used in one or two villages and do not have their own written language, the Avar language is such a language of interethnic communication.

Bilingualism, when it becomes widespread, can lead to the displacement of the native language and its replacement in all or almost all functions by the language of interethnic communication. For example, according to the 1989 census, of the people who considered themselves Nivkhs by nationality, only 23% called the Nivkh language their native language, and even then 78% of them said that they were fluent in Russian. This process of linguistic and cultural assimilation is especially painful when the native language and native culture are not systematically studied and are generally used to a limited extent, and the degree of mastery of another language and another culture is also limited. The myths and legends of our native people are forgotten, and Russian fairy tales and epics were also not read in childhood. It turns out that representatives of a given people, losing their native language and culture, without completely mastering another culture and language, find themselves on the margins of a kind. This phenomenon is sometimes called “semi-lingualism” and “semi-culturalism.”

Another acute problem is related to the fact that while the majority of non-Russians in Russia (approximately 80%) speak Russian fluently, the number of Russians who speak languages ​​of other peoples is negligible. In 1989, out of almost 12 million Russians living in the autonomous republics of the RSFSR (now republics within the Russian Federation), only 84.5 thousand, i.e. 0.7% were fluent in the “titular” language of the given republic (Tatar, Udmurt, Buryat, etc.).

Meanwhile, mastery of the language and culture of another people, the ability or at least the willingness to look at the world through their eyes is generally a sign of a cultured person. Unfortunately, in Russia there are various forms of rejection of people of a different ethnic origin who speak a different language, i.e. xenophobia is quite widespread. Let's not talk about Barkashovites, "skinheads" and other marginal groups - they exist in every country. But it would seem that ordinary Russian people sometimes mention with contempt the “churks”, “Balts”, “Caucasians”, “Khachiks”, “Azeris”. It is not for nothing that one of the first documents signed by V.V. Putin after his election as President of the Russian Federation was a program of actions to instill tolerance (tolerance) towards people of a different ethnic origin, race, and in general towards those who are not “like me” .

Multinationality, multilingualism and multiculturalism of Russia are its wealth, if you like, a factor of its national security.

On the other hand, you and I do not live on a desert island. Russia is surrounded by other countries and peoples with their own cultural characteristics and traditions, their own myths and legends, their own languages ​​and literature. And many of these cultural and linguistic features entered the Russian language as an organic part of Russian culture. In the Russian language there are many borrowings from Iranian, Germanic, Romance, and Turkic languages, which we no longer feel like foreign words - from the Iranian word for “dog” to the Dutch for “umbrella”. National Russian cuisine naturally includes Western European (broth) and Eastern (kebab, pilaf) dishes. Our children are as close to Cinderella, Little Thumb, Aladdin with his lamp, as Ivan the Tsarevich on the Gray Wolf or Morozko; they are just as fond of Winnie the Pooh and Carlson as the Little Humpbacked Horse and Dunno.

There have been various trends in the socio-political history of Russia. There has been and remains a tendency towards isolationism and pitting Russia and Russians against other countries and peoples. It is rooted in the belief that we, Russians (or Russians), are a special people, unlike anyone else and superior to other peoples in our merits to world history and culture, in our intellectual and moral qualities. In its further logical development, this point of view leads to the idea of ​​the Russian people being chosen by God. All other peoples and countries in relation to Russians and Russia are, at best, marginals, spoiled by capitalism, bourgeois-democratic ideas and modern cosmopolitan culture, and at worst, potential enemies who envy Russia and are only thinking about causing harm to it. - something evil and not allow you to realize your enormous, but hidden potential.



Why was the ORKSE course introduced? We live in a multinational state and our compatriots are representatives of different religions. We need to learn to understand and respect culture, customs, and traditions. This will help you live in peace and harmony. We live in a multinational state and our compatriots are representatives of different religions. We need to learn to understand and respect culture, customs, and traditions. This will help you live in peace and harmony.


Will studying the course become propaganda or the imposition of religious views? The content of the course is exclusively cultural in nature. The content of the course is exclusively cultural in nature. One of the important pedagogical objectives of the new educational course is to develop student motivation for conscious moral behavior based on knowledge and respect for the cultural and religious traditions of the multinational people of Russia, as well as for dialogue with representatives of other cultures and worldviews. One of the important pedagogical objectives of the new educational course is to develop student motivation for conscious moral behavior based on knowledge and respect for the cultural and religious traditions of the multinational people of Russia, as well as for dialogue with representatives of other cultures and worldviews. The choice of faith is a private matter of the citizen; it can only take place outside of state and municipal schools. The choice of faith is a private matter of the citizen; it can only take place outside of state and municipal schools.


Who decides which course module to study? The choice is made by parents independently, absolutely voluntarily and individually. Any coercion (for example, a decision by a majority vote at a class meeting) in resolving this issue is illegal. The choice is made by parents independently, absolutely voluntarily and individually. Any coercion (for example, a decision by a majority vote at a class meeting) in resolving this issue is illegal. The decision to choose is confirmed by a statement from parents addressed to the school director. The decision to choose is confirmed by a statement from parents addressed to the school director.


How many modules can children of one class study at the same time? As many as the parents choose. As many as the parents choose. The class is divided into several groups according to the number of modules chosen, while it is allowed to study the same module by children of different classes of the same parallel fourth grade, or, if necessary, individual study of the module is organized (if one parent has chosen it). The class is divided into several groups according to the number of modules chosen, while it is allowed to study the same module by children of different classes of the same parallel fourth grade, or, if necessary, individual study of the module is organized (if one parent has chosen it).


Is it possible to study several modules at the same time? No. Module programs are state educational programs that are required to be studied as part of the federal component of the curriculum. No. Module programs are state educational programs that are required to be studied as part of the federal component of the curriculum. The content of each module should reflect regional (local) characteristics, include information about the history of the region, its cultural traditions, and the centuries-old coexistence of different peoples and religions. The content of each module should reflect regional (local) characteristics, include information about the history of the region, its cultural traditions, and the centuries-old coexistence of different peoples and religions.


Is it possible to refuse to study the ORKSE course? According to the order of the Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation, this course is included in the list of subjects of the federal component of the curriculum and is required for study in state (municipal) educational institutions that implement the state standard of primary, basic general, complete (secondary) general education. According to the order of the Ministry of Education and Science of the Russian Federation, this course is included in the list of subjects of the federal component of the curriculum and is required for study in state (municipal) educational institutions that implement the state standard of primary, basic general, complete (secondary) general education.


Can parents attend lessons on the ORKSE course? Parents have the right to be present at any lessons of their children. Parents’ participation in the implementation of the ORKSE course can also be manifested in joint work with the child in preparing his creative work, performances and other forms provided for by pedagogical technologies and the teacher’s educational planning. Parents have the right to be present at any lessons of their children. Parents’ participation in the implementation of the ORKSE course can also be manifested in joint work with the child in preparing his creative work, performances and other forms provided for by pedagogical technologies and the teacher’s educational planning.


How will the student’s success in mastering the ORKSE course be assessed? The course is not graded due to the nature of the content. It is impossible to develop criteria that could evaluate the action and attitude towards the action of another person, thoughts, internal promises, reflections. The course is not graded due to the nature of the content. It is impossible to develop criteria that could evaluate the action and attitude towards the action of another person, thoughts, internal promises, reflections. For the ORSKE course, grade-free assessment is recommended; formalized requirements for assessing academic performance based on the results of mastering the course are not provided. The results of the preparation and defense of creative products and projects can be taken into account when creating student portfolios. For the ORSKE course, grade-free assessment is recommended; formalized requirements for assessing academic performance based on the results of mastering the course are not provided. The results of the preparation and defense of creative products and projects can be taken into account when creating student portfolios.

Class hour topic: “Russia is a multinational country”

Target: the formation among students of different nationalities and religions of the concept “WE ARE RUSSIANS” - ​​a single multinational people of our common homeland - Russia.

Tasks:

Introduce students to the history of the formation of the national

composition of the population of Russia;

Broaden the horizons of students;

Stimulate interest in studying the history of Russia;

Instill a sense of pride in your homeland;

Foster civic-patriotic feelings.

Methods: conversation that combines form with student project activities.

Equipment: world map, physical map of Russia,presentation for class

Progress of the class hour I . Org. moment.

Goal: Creating an emotional mood for work.

Guys, smile at each other, enjoy today, mentally wish all the best.

II . Introduction to the topic of the class hour.

Write on the board:

In multinational and binational countries there is a complex problem of interethnic relations” V.P. Maksakovsky

A person who hates another people does not love his own.”

ON THE. Dobrolyubov

“Peoples are like one family,

Although their language is different.

All are daughters and sons

Your beautiful country"

N. Zabila

Poem V. Stepanova.

Different people live in Russia
Peoples since ancient times.
Some people like the taiga,
For others, the expanse of the steppe.
Every nation
Your own language and outfit.
One wears a Circassian coat,
The other one put on a robe.
One is a fisherman from birth,
The other is a reindeer herder,
One kumiss is cooking,
Another is preparing honey.
Autumn is one of the sweeter ones,
For others, spring is dearer.
And Motherland Russia,
We all have one.

Guys, why do you think we chose this poem for today’s conversation? (student's opinions)

Our conversation will be on the topic “Russia is a multinational country.”

Look at the map with a picture of our country and photographs of the peoples who inhabit it.

What peoplenationalities inhabit our state?

What do you think, representatives of what nationalities live in our area?

Indeed, there are a lot of peoples and nationalities. Firstly, in RussiaThere are many representatives of peoples from other countries living here. Mainly from those that were previously part of the Soviet Union. These are both Ukrainians and Belarusians,and Armenians, and Georgians, and many others. In total, currentlyMore than 100 peoples live on the territory of our country. Therefore it is rightfullycalled a multinational country.

How does one nation differ from another? (language, history, culture, etc.)

What do all the peoples inhabiting our country have in common? (common homeland - Russia)

Do peoples always manage to live together? Why do they often occur?conflicts between people of different nationalities? (inability to accept a person as he is, the presence of various prejudices and prejudices)

How should all nations treat each other in order to live as one family?(you need to respect, appreciate their customs, you need to live together in peace)

Conclusion: To solve the problem, you need to start with yourself, learn to respect different traditions and religions, at the same time be proud of the traditions of your people and preserve them.

    Practical work “Make a proverb.” Work in groups.

Representatives of each nationality have proverbs and sayings about friendship between peoples. They contain folk wisdom. Now we are with youLet's get to know some of them. The task of each group is to create a proverb from words and tell how you understand it. After completing the task, the proverb is glued to the poster.

Rivers may dry up, mountains may collapse, but the friendship of peoples is eternal and indestructible.

Friendship of peoples is stronger than the storm, brighter than the sun

The language of friendship needs no translation

If friendship is great, the Motherland will be strong

Friendship and brotherhood are better than wealth

Glue each proverb to the poster.

Conclusion: There are many proverbs among nationalities, they all contain a common meaning and call: to love the Motherland, to value friendship.

    Work in groups.

Today the words sounded: “people”,"nation", "nationality", "compatriots", "patriotism". How do you understand them? Now let's check the meanings of these terms in dictionaries.

PEOPLE - population of a certain country

NATION - (from Latin natio - tribe, people), a historical community of people that develops in the process of forming the community of their territory, economic ties, literary language, ethnic characteristics of culture and character. It is made up of various tribes and nationalities.

NATIONALITY – belonging to a particular nation is not determined by place of birth. If for some reason a person’s place of birth was outside the borders of his country, this does not mean that he accepts the nationality of the country in which he was born.

COMPATRIOTS - persons born in the same state,living, or living in it and possessing signs of communitycultural heritage

PATRIOTISM devotion and love for one's fatherland, for one's people.

Conclusion: Everyone living in Russia is called compatriots, Russians. After all, they have one Motherland, one Fatherland. Regardless of what nation a resident of the Russian Federation belongs to, he is its full citizen.

The inhabitants of our country are Russians. But abroad they all call us Russians.

The student reads a poem.

We are Russians.

We work in Russian.

In Russian, we are ascending to our zenith.

In Russian we endure overloads,

And glory rings to us like a Russian song.

We are Russians.

It never sleeps in our blood

The sacred call is to work and create!

More than once we will be able to this Earth

light up with a Gagarin smile!

Georgians, Belarusians, Ukrainians,

Uzbek, Kazakh, Kyrgyz or Yakut -

We are Russians!

Not for nothing abroad

Today we are all called Russians!

    Presentation of student projects on the topic “Multinational Russia”

Now we will find out how multinational the culture of Russia is. Students' group projects will be presented to your attention.

Reflection. Summarizing.

Let's return to our topic. Do you think our country can be called united? Why?

Guys, we hope that our meeting and conversation will not be in vain for you.Try to be kinder and more attentive to any person you are withyou enter into a relationship, be it with a classmate or just a random passerby. Try to accept other people with their ideas, activities andway of life. This means that you will recognize that everyone is different, butyou respect those who are different from you.

Now let's finish our poster about the friendship of peoples. We give it to youyour palms, and you look at the list of human qualities, choose one orseveral necessary for normal living in a multinationalcountry. Write it down on your palm and then stick it on the poster..

Look, at first glance our palms are the same, but they are all differentboth in shape and color. What does this symbolize?

We are all equal, we are all worthy of respect, but at the same time, each of uspersonality and special in his own way.

A student reads a poem:

You won't find it on the world map

The house where you live

And even native streets

We won't find that one on the map.

But we will always find it

Our country is our common home.

Appendix to the exercise “Palms”

Human personality traits

aggressive

careful

active

artistic

weak-willed

thrifty

selfless

Grateful

funny

well-mannered

domineering

polite

arrogant

proud

hospitable

confiding

disciplined

Kind

greedy

cheerful

cruel

dependent

provocative

vindictive

sincere

executive

capricious

selfish

lazy

curious

loving

silent

courageous

revengeful

wise

naive

impudent

persistent

gentle

communicative

careful

neat

frank

sneaky

decent

obedient

passive

romantic

reasonable

timid

cheeky

serious

modest

brave

strict

talented

cowardly

hardworking

patient

confident

stubborn

complaisant

cunning

boastful

purposeful

honest

generous

selfish

Economical

vigorous

sensitive

devoted

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