Military Council of the Central Committee of the CPC. Communist Party of China Standing Committee of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China


Plan
Introduction
1. History
2 Central bodies of the party
3 Party members
4 Party leadership
5 Top leaders of the CCP since 1921
5.1 Chairman of the Politburo of the CPC Central Committee
5.2 Chairman of the Secretariat of the CPC Central Committee
5.3 Chairman of the CPC Central Committee
5.4 General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee

Bibliography

Introduction

Communist Party of China (CCP) (Chinese: 中國共産黨, Chinese: 中国共产党, pinyin Zhōngguó Gòngchǎndǎng, pal. Zhongguo Gongchandan listen)) is the leading and ruling political party of the People's Republic of China and the largest political party in the world. Founded in 1921 and came to power after the defeat of the Chinese National People's Party (KMT) in the Chinese Civil War.

The ultimate goal of the party is the implementation of the communist social system. The Chinese Communist Party is guided in its activities by Marxism-Leninism, the thought of Mao Zedong, the theory of Deng Xiaoping and the “theory of three representations” of Jiang Zemin.

The Chinese Communist Party has official (elected through internal party elections) and unofficial (appointed by higher party organizations) organizations at all levels of the Chinese government and in various areas of society.

1. History

The Communist Party of China was founded in 1921 with the assistance of the Comintern during the rise of the national revolutionary movement and the spread of the ideas of Marxism-Leninism in China, caused by the influence of the October Revolution. The party was founded by a group of intellectuals led by Chen Duxiu, who was the party leader from 1921 to 1927, and Li Lisan, who led the party from 1927 to 1930. Li Dazhao played a prominent role in the creation of the CPC, who organized the first Marxist circles in Northern China.

The First Congress of the CPC took place illegally at the end of June and beginning of July 1921 in Shanghai. He proclaimed the party's ultimate goal to build socialism in China. The party from the “circle”, which consisted of representatives of the leftist intelligentsia of China, turned into the largest political party in the world. Since then, 17 party congresses have been organized. The last party congress was held in October 2007.

The history of the party is divided into the following periods:

· The first united front (1922-1927) - the period of the alliance with the Kuomintang against militaristic groups

· Soviet Republic in China (1927-1937) - the period of struggle with the Kuomintang for power in the country

· The fight against Japanese aggression, the creation of the Second United Front (1937-1945) - a joint struggle with the Kuomintang against the Japanese

· The Chinese Civil War (1946-1949) - the period of the war with the Kuomintang, as a result of which the communists came to power

· After the founding of the People's Republic of China (after 1949) - the period of development of the party as the ruling party in the country

2. Central bodies of the party

During the Cultural Revolution, all central party organs were abolished or reorganized. After the death of Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping restored all party organs and returned all government bodies of the country to party control.

According to the Charter of the CPC, the highest governing body of the party is the National Congress of the Communist Party of China, which is convened at least once every five years. Other governing bodies of the party are:

· The Central Committee of the CCP, consisting of:

· General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee

· Standing Committee of the Politburo of the CPC Central Committee, consisting of 9 members

· Politburo of the CPC Central Committee, consisting of 25 members (including 9 members of the Politburo of the Standing Committee of the CPC Central Committee)

· Secretariat of the CPC Central Committee, the leading administrative organ of the CPC, headed by the General Secretary of the CPC

· Central Military Council of the CPC Central Committee, a duplicate body of the Central Military Council of the People's Republic of China

· The CPC Central Commission for Discipline Inspection, subordinate to the CPC National Congress and created to combat corruption and crime within the ranks of the Party

Other party bodies:

· Office of the CPC Central Committee

Organizational Department of the CPC Central Committee

Propaganda Department of the CPC Central Committee

· International Relations Department of the CPC Central Committee

United Front Department of the CPC Central Committee

Every five years, the CPC Central Committee convenes the National Party Congress. The last congress took place in October 2007. Formally, the congress has two functions: approving changes and amendments to the party charter and electing the Central Committee of the party. In turn, the Central Committee elects the Politburo. In practice, all decisions regarding the composition of the Central Committee and the Politburo are made before the party congress and the main purpose of the congress is to promulgate the party’s policy directions and the country’s development priorities for the next few years.

The Politburo of the CPC Central Committee is the central body of the Party. Politburo members are elected at the party congress. The number of Politburo members is not constant, but has recently tended to increase. After the 16th CPC Congress, held in 2002, the number of Politburo members increased to 9.

In addition to the CPC, there are two more key bodies of political power in China - the State Council of the People's Republic of China and the People's Liberation Army of China. In addition, there is an advisory body - the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference. In the 1980s, there was the CCP Central Advisory Commission, created by Deng Xiaoping.

3. Party members

At the beginning of its journey, the party was extremely small. Only 12 delegates participated in the First Party Congress in 1921, and by the time of the Second Congress in 1922, the party already had 192 members. In 1923, 420 members were represented by 30 delegates. The IV Congress in 1924 was attended by 20 delegates representing 994 members. In 1927 the party consisted of 58,000 members. In 1945, the party consisted of 1.21 million people.

After the victory over the Kuomintang, the number of party members began to grow at an even faster pace. In 1958, the number of members had already reached 10 million people. In 2000, the party consisted of 60 million people. In 2002, the party allowed businessmen to join its ranks. The membership of the Chinese Communist Party at the end of 2005 exceeded 70 million members, accounting for 5.5% of the total population of mainland China.

4. Party leadership

Currently members of the Standing Committee of the Politburo of the CPC Central Committee are:

· Hu Jintao - Chairman of the People's Republic of China, General Secretary of the CPC, Chairman of the Central Military Council of the People's Republic of China

· Wu Bangguo - Chairman of the National People's Congress

· Wen Jiabao - Premier of the State Council of the People's Republic of China

· Jia Qinglin - Chairman of the All-China Committee of the People's Political Consultative Council of the People's Republic of China

· Li Changchun - CCP propaganda chief

· Xi Jinping - Deputy Chairman of the People's Republic of China, member of the Secretariat of the CPC Central Committee

Li Keqiang - Vice Premier of the State Council of the People's Republic of China

· He Guoqiang - head of the CPC Central Commission for Discipline Inspection

· Zhou Yongkang - head of the Political and Legislative Affairs Committee of the CPC Central Committee

Members of the Politburo of the CPC Central Committee: Xi Jinping, Wang Gang, Wang Lequan, Wang Zhaoguo, Wang Qishan, Hui Liangyu, Liu Qi, Liu Yunshan, Liu Yandong, Li Changchun, Li Keqiang, Li Yuanchao, Wu Banguo, Wang Yang, Zhang Gaoli, Zhang Dejiang, Zhou Yongkang , Hu Jintao, Yu Zhengsheng, He Guoqiang, Jia Qinglin, Xu Caihou, Guo Boxiong, Wen Jiabao, Bo Xilai.

Members of the Secretariat of the CPC Central Committee:

· Zeng Qinghong

Liu Yunshan

· Zhou Yongkang

He Guoqiang

· Wang Gang

· Xu Caihou

5. Top leaders of the CCP since 1921

Between 1921 and 1943, the Chinese Communist Party was led by a general secretary:

· Chen Duxiu, General Secretary in 1921-1922 and 1925-1927

· Qu Qiubo, General Secretary in 1927-1928

· Xiang Zhongfa, General Secretary 1928-1931

· Li Lisan, I. O. General Secretary in 1929-1930

· Wang Ming, I. O. General Secretary in 1931

· Bo Gu, general secretary 1932-1935

· Luo Fu, general secretary 1935-1943

Chairman of the Politburo of the CPC Central CommitteeThe position existed in 1943-1956. Mao Zedong (1943-1956) Chairman of the Secretariat of the CPC Central Committee

The position existed in 1943-1956.

· Mao Zedong (1943-1956)

5.3. Chairman of the CPC Central Committee

The position existed from 1945-1982.

· Mao Zedong (1945-1976)

· Hua Guofeng (1976-1981)

· Hu Yaobang (1981-1982)

5.4. General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee

The position existed from 1956-1966 and was restored in 1980.

· Deng Xiaoping (1956-1966)

· Hu Yaobang (1980-1987)

· Zhao Ziyang (acting, 1987; 1987-1989)

· Jiang Zemin (1989-2002)

· Hu Jintao (since 2002)

Bibliography:

1. The size of the Chinese Communist Party reached 78 million people by 2010. RIA Novosti (28/06/2010).

2. “The Character of the Chinese Communist Party.” China Internet Information Center

3. Andrey Ivanov.“The counter-revolution has won in China. Capitalism is peacefully growing into socialism.” CentralAsia

On October 25, 2017, the day after the end of the 19th Congress of the Communist Party of China, which elected a new composition of the Party Central Committee, the first plenum of the CPC Central Committee was held. He re-elected Xi Jinping as general secretary of the world's largest political force. This decision, as well as the election of seven members of the Politburo Standing Committee and 25 Politburo members, marked the creation of a new power configuration around the Chinese leader.

  • Xi Jinping and new members of the Standing Committee of the Politburo of the CPC Central Committee
  • Reuters
  • Jason Lee

Among the seven members of the standing committee of the Politburo of the CPC Central Committee, five people have changed, except for Xi Jinping himself and the head of the PRC government, Li Keqiang. The newly appointed members are about 65 years old and have all previously served in various party positions in the provinces and Beijing.

The third-ranking head of the CPC Central Committee office, Li Zhanshu, worked in the party apparatus of the Hebei region in the 1980s together with Xi Jinping and is considered his close ally. Vice Premier of the State Council Wang Yang, who is fourth, on the contrary, is considered close to the previous leader of China, Hu Jintao, a representative of the Komsomol group (party leaders who emerged from the bureaucracy of the Communist Youth League of China). Xi Jinping is considered one of the “princes” - descendants of the CPC leaders from the time of Mao Zedong.

The fifth person in the party is now the head of the Political Research Center of the Central Committee, Wang Huning, who is responsible for the ideology of the CCP. This native of Shanghai rose to prominence under Jiang Zemin, who represented the “Shanghai Group.” Sixth is the head of the Central Commission of the Communist Party of China for Inspecting the Discipline of the Central Committee, Zhao Leji, who will lead the fight against corruption, replacing the resigned party veteran Wang Qishan. Zhao Leji joined the Politburo five years ago when Xi Jinping came to power. Finally, Han Zheng, head of the Shanghai party organization, became the seventh member of the standing committee of the Politburo of the CPC Central Committee.

Among the new members of the Politburo are Liu He, head of the office of the Central Committee's working group on finance and economics and one of Xi Jinping's main economic advisers, as well as Chen Ming'er, head of the party organization in Chongqing, who is also considered very close to Xi Jinping.

“The composition of the standing committee of the Politburo, which experts spoke about before the congress, has almost completely come true,” said sinologist Alexey Maslov, a professor at the National Research University Higher School of Economics, in an interview with RT. “Most of Xi Jinping’s supporters entered there.”

World leaders congratulated the President of the People's Republic of China on the completion of the congress and his re-election to the highest party post.

“The voting results fully confirmed the political authority of Xi Jinping, broad support for his course towards the accelerated socio-economic development of China and the strengthening of its international positions,” Russian President Vladimir Putin emphasized.

US President Donald Trump also congratulated the Chinese leader. Speaking on Fox Business, he said that “now you can call (Si. - RT) Emperor of China, but he is called Chairman."

Living classic

According to experts, Xi Jinping managed to achieve the main thing at this congress - he significantly strengthened his power by placing people loyal to himself in key positions. At the same time, for the first time in a long time, the figure of a successor was not identified at the congress. Political scientists believe this means that Xi Jinping plans to remain the party leader after 2022, when the next congress of the Chinese Communist Party will be held.

  • Xi Jinping at the Chinese Communist Party Congress
  • Reuters
  • Aly Song

The strengthening of Xi Jinping’s position was also reflected in the fact that he was the third after Chinese party leaders Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping to be mentioned in the new edition of the party charter, which was approved by the congress. Moreover, Xi Jinping’s concept of a “new era of socialism with Chinese characteristics” received the status of “ideas.” Previously, the term was applied only to "Mao Zedong Thought". The ideology of Deng Xiaoping, for example, was called only a “theory”, emphasizing the superiority of Mao. The current Chinese leader has actually stood on a par with the founding father of the PRC.

“Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics of the New Era is the continuation and development of Marxism-Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought, Deng Xiaoping Theory, the important ideas of the Triple Representation and the scientific concept of development, the latest achievement of the Sinicization of Marxism<…>as well as guidance for action in the implementation of the great revival of the Chinese nation by the Party and the people,” Xinhua news agency quotes the resolution of the 19th CPC Congress on the draft revised party charter.

“Now Xi Jinping is joining the ranks of major theoreticians of Marxism,” says Maslov. — Essentially, he finds himself on a par with Marx, Lenin, Mao Zedong and Deng Xiaoping. That is, Xi Jinping positions himself as the peak of the development of world Marxist thought.”

In addition, this step, from the point of view of a political scientist, demonstrates that the Chairman of the PRC plans to remain in power for a long time.

“Enshrining the name of Xi Jinping in the charter also consolidates his role in history, and in this case it no longer matters what his position will be called in five years,” the expert emphasized. “Obviously, he will remain an active leader of the country.” The policies he outlines will continue until at least 2027.”

Socialism with a Chinese face

The meaning of the policy of “building socialism with Chinese characteristics in a new era” is, first of all, to improve the well-being of ordinary Chinese. If previously the Chinese economy developed mainly due to the production of products for export, now the country’s authorities plan to primarily increase domestic demand.

  • Beijing streets
  • Reuters
  • Tyrone Siu

The 19th Congress of the CPC set ambitious goals for the party and the state: by 2021, the centennial anniversary of the CPC, to complete the construction of a middle-income society and overcome poverty.

Already, as Sergei Sanakoev, president of the Russian-Chinese Analytical Center, noted in a conversation with RT, up to 300 million people can be classified as the middle class in China.

“These are people who are able to buy houses, cars, and travel abroad,” the expert explained. “A middle-income society means that most of China’s 1.5 billion population will approach this level of consumption.”

Beijing plans to achieve this goal not through extensive development of existing sectors of the economy, but by actively promoting new technologies. Therefore, the next task announced by the congress is to build a modernized innovative economy with a serious environmental component by 2035. For this purpose, the “Beautiful China” environmental program is being launched. Experts note that already 55% of China's economic growth is provided by high-tech industries.

The next landmark is 2049, the centenary of the founding of the People's Republic of China. By this time, China intends to complete the construction of a “modernized socialist state.”

“Taking into account the certain linguistic specificity of the imagery of thinking that our eastern neighbors exhibit, I would state that by the middle of the 21st century they are planning to build communism,” Sanakoev clarified.

Global project

Increased attention to China's internal development does not mean a course towards self-isolation and abandonment of global ambitions. On the contrary, among the decisions of the 19th CPC Congress was the inclusion of Xi Jinping’s “One Belt, One Road” initiative in the party charter. This is a China-oriented strategy for the economic integration of the Eurasian space.

The new composition of the Politburo included the leading ideologists of Chinese foreign policy of the last five years: former Foreign Minister Yang Jiechi, who accompanied Xi Jinping on his visits to Russia and the United States, Li Zhanshu, and Wang Huning, whom Western experts call the father of a more aggressive foreign policy towards West.

China not only declares its course towards building a great power, but also emphasizes that it is ready to try on the role of a global leader, experts say.

“China’s major merits at the congress were noted for its participation in the creation of a number of organizations: the One Belt, One Road project, BRICS, SCO, and the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank,” notes sinologist Alexey Maslov. “This means that China is not just beginning to play an active role in world politics, but is also forming a new political space.”

The ideological basis for this policy is the concept of a “community of common destiny” formulated back in 2015, which the Chinese leader voiced at the anniversary session of the UN General Assembly.

“Countries must live a common destiny, defend common values ​​that are obvious from the results of World War II, and build a single multipolar safe world,” Sergei Sanakoev explains the meaning of this concept.

Xi Jinping spoke about the “community of a common destiny” both at the congress and at the end of the first plenum of the renewed CPC Central Committee.

“The Chinese people, with self-confidence and self-respect, will resolutely defend their country's sovereignty, security and development interests.<…>At the same time, China, together with other countries, will actively work to build a community with a shared future for mankind, constantly making new and more significant contributions to the noble cause of peace and development of mankind,” Xinhua quoted Xi Jinping as saying.

Together with Russia

Experts note that this concept is close to Russia’s orientation towards building a multipolar world.

“We offer a much safer world than the model of Western globalism, which is obviously in a global crisis,” Sanakoev asserts.

As the political scientist notes, it is under Xi Jinping that Beijing and Moscow are increasingly supporting each other, interacting both in world politics and in the economy.

“We are building serious integration processes, we even have an integration of integrations,” he emphasized, referring to the potential for linking the “One Belt, One Road” project and the Eurasian Economic Union.

  • Construction of the Power of Siberia gas pipeline
  • RIA News
  • Alexey Nikolsky

According to Sanakoev, the two countries can expect strengthened cooperation, deeper interaction, especially in the Far Eastern regions of Russia, increased trade turnover and attraction of investment.

“Not only energy cooperation is actively developing, but much more seriously such areas as space, aviation, nuclear energy - everything that concerns industries with high added value,” says the expert.

In turn, Maslov is confident that strengthening the position of Xi Jinping’s supporters in the PRC leadership will make relations between Moscow and Beijing more pragmatic and result-oriented.

“China is now talking a lot about the effectiveness of the actions it is taking. This means that we should not expect any empty investments or investments for declarative projects,” the expert believes.

At the same time, Maslov predicts, the military-political component of cooperation will also develop. According to him, Beijing intends to make its army and navy one of the strongest in the world and is interested both in Russian technologies and in the military and diplomatic support of our country. Another area of ​​cooperation is expanding Moscow’s participation in the One Belt, One Road project.

“China will one way or another involve Russia in more active cooperation with regard to the One Belt, One Road project.” The activation or inactivation of investments in Russia depends on participation in this project,” the expert concluded.

The largest in the world, ruling the country, was founded in 1921 after the defeat of the Kuomintang (Chinese National People's Party) and the end of the CCP - the Communist Party of China. Only the CPSU, before its dissolution, could compare with the CPC in the number of members.

Creation

At the beginning of the twentieth century, there was a rise in the revolutionary movement in China, the ideas of Marxism-Leninism spread under the influence of the Comintern and the general situation in Russia. The creation of the Chinese Communist Party was provoked by the October Revolution, after which a group of Chinese intellectuals founded a new organization. For some time they had to work in illegal conditions. The founder and leader of the Chinese Communist Party from 1921 to 1927, Chen Dux, even organized the first congress in Shanghai in the summer of 1921.

A huge role in the formation of the organization, which from a small circle quickly turned into a huge political force, was played by its second leader, Li Lisan, and the first organizer of Marxist circles, Li Dazhao. At the first, China, whose program had already been drawn up, proclaimed its goals - up to the construction of socialism in China. Eighteen congresses have already taken place since then, the last of which took place in November 2012.

Periods of party history

First, the Communist Party of China entered into an alliance with the Kuomintang against all sorts of militaristic groups - the First United Front. Then, for ten years until 1937, she fought for power with the Kuomintang. But when China was subjected to Japanese aggression, the CPC was forced to make peace with political opponents to open a joint Second United Front against the Japanese. This war lasted until the complete victory over fascism (September 1945).

In 1946, the struggle with the Kuomintang began again and until 1949 acquired the dimensions of a civil war. The Chinese Communist Party defeated the Kuomintang and as a result of this victory came to power in the country. Was founded Then Mao Zedong started the Cultural Revolution. The time has come for all central bodies of the party to reorganize or disappear. Before 1956, times in China were troubled. After Mao's death, he gradually restored almost all of the party's organs, and thus government bodies returned to party control.

Controls

The CPC Charter provides for the party's highest governing body, which is the National Congress of the Communist Party of China, to be convened once every five years. In addition, there are others: the Central Committee, in which the Politburo of the CPC Central Committee of twenty-five people works (among them seven are the Standing Committee of the Central Committee), the main administrative body headed by the General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee - the Secretariat of the CPC Central Committee. And finally, the Central Military Council of the CPC Central Committee duplicates and controls the military council of the People's Republic of China.

The Main Directorate (Chancery of the Central Committee of the CPC) administers, controls, organizes document flow and other functioning on a daily basis. In addition, there is a Central Commission, which is subordinate only to the National Congress, its functions include control of discipline, and other serious crimes in the party ranks. There is also a Political-Legal Commission in the country as the central party body for legal and administrative policy. The political security unit with the functions of physical protection of the leadership is the Central Security Bureau of the CPC.

Functions of the Congress

The congress has two formal functions: it introduces and approves amendments to the party charter, and elects the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China. Next, the Central Committee at the plenum elects the Politburo, together with the Standing Committee and the General Secretary. But almost all of these decisions are made long before the congress, where the policy directions that the Communist Party of China is going to implement and the country’s development priorities for the next five years are only announced.

The CCP is not the only key organ of political power in China. There is also the State Council and the People's Liberation Army. The People's Political Consultative Council has the right to an advisory vote, and in the 80s the Central Commission, created by Deng Xiaoping, functioned, where CCP advisers sat.

Quantity

The formation of the Chinese Communist Party in 1921 did not foreshadow its modern political power, since the organization was incredibly small: only twelve delegates attended the first illegal congress in Shanghai. By 1922, the number of communists had grown sharply: there were one hundred and ninety-two. In 1923, the CPC numbered four hundred and twenty people, a year later - almost a thousand. In 1927, the party grew to 58,000 members, and in 1945 it exceeded one million. As Kuomintang resistance fell, the party's growth rate became incredible; by 1957, more than ten million people had joined the CCP, and by 2000 the number had risen to sixty million.

The next party congress in 2002 allowed the admission of businessmen into its ranks, which significantly increased the number of members. Moreover, Zhang Ruimin, who is the president of the Haier Corporation, was elected to the Central Committee, which was generally unheard of until that moment. Thus, millionaires and billionaires came to the CPC, for example, Liang Wengen actively participated in the CPC congress, despite the fact that he occupied the first line of the ranking of millionaires in Forbes magazine for 2011. Today, the CCP numbers more than 85 million people.

Consequences of the Cultural Revolution

Between 1965 and 1976, the political events of China, the so-called Cultural Revolution, caused strife and crisis within the Communist Party, which was to blame for both the domestic and foreign policies of Mao Zedong.

His supporters, with the help of loyal military units and student youth, consistently destroyed all party organizations except the army ones, dissolved party committees, and repressed party workers, including many active members, candidates for the Politburo and the CPC Central Committee.

Reforms

After Mao's death, it was only in 1979 that the country began to reform and expand foreign relations under the leadership of Deng Xiaoping, general secretary from 1976 to 1981. The goals of the Chinese Communist Party changed dramatically, since a serious modernization of the country was needed. Reforms were carried out consistently and very widely in all areas of the political and economic system.

Thus, the main directions along which the country’s development should take place were determined. The new goal was the creation of socialism with Chinese characteristics, which involves continuing reforms and opening up to the outside world. Elected General Secretary in 2012, Xi Jinping continued this policy, confirming with deeds the previous postulate: only the Communist Party of China can achieve the revival of the country.

Political dominance

The architect of the reforms was Deng Xiaoping, who shrewdly tried with all his might to keep power over the processes in the hands of the CCP. The capabilities of the party and its potential have made it possible, even in the conditions of modern China, to reject the path of democratization and preserve the previously established political foundations. On the one hand, this decision was influenced by the example of the USSR, and on the other, by the examples of Taiwan and South Korea. The party's monopoly on power ensures the status quo of party politics in the PRC system for many years.

The slogan and new goal “building socialism with Chinese characteristics” appeared in connection with the need for reforms carried out “from above,” that is, changes in society, both social and economic, but while maintaining the continuity of power and maintaining the leading role of the party in all processes. The word "socialism" is key here. That is why the name of Mao Zedong will never be completely discriminated against in China. Now, by the way, it sounds more and more often and with unprecedented reverence. The CCP's power is returning to its roots.

Intra-party factions

The so-called “Beijing Komsomol members” - neo-Maoists, most often coming from the poorest regions, advocate the rapid development of their native places at the expense of richer provinces, for example, coastal ones. They see China as a leader in the developing world. The leader of this group is former Secretary General of the CPC Central Committee Hu Jintao. His successor as Secretary General, Xi Jinping, has long been considered a supporter of the Shanghai Group, but nevertheless entered into an alliance with the Beijing Group.

The so-called “Shanghai clique” are Shanghainese, officials of the CCP, whom he “promoted” while he was still the mayor of Shanghai, and later received the post of Chairman of the People's Republic of China. After his departure from this post, the threads of power throughout the leadership of the CPC remained in his hands; he had his own people everywhere. There is another group in the party leadership called the “Old Dissatisfied” who oppose market reforms.

Xi Jinping

In 2012, Xi Jinping replaced Hu Jintao, who led the party for ten years. This candidacy was “stalled” for a very long time: five years before this moment, it was unofficially decided that he would be the leader of the Communist Party of China. At the same time, he took up a second post - he became chairman of the Chinese Military Council.

Gradually, the behavioral “nuts” within the party are tightening ever tighter. For example, new rules came out in 2015 banning Chinese communists from playing golf, eating extravagant food, and even attending alumni reunions. It is strictly forbidden to criticize the party in any way.

More specifically about the prohibitions

In addition, from January 1, 2016, party members were prohibited from visiting fitness, golf, and any other private clubs. They are prescribed simplicity in all its forms and protection from extravagance. The prohibitions are actually strict: there should not be a single irresponsible comment about the party’s policies, it is forbidden to change citizenship, it is forbidden to travel abroad permanently, it is forbidden to maintain unofficial connections with non-party members (this includes simply neighbors at the place of residence, classmates and comrades in arms ), do not use sexual services, much less do not provide them; there should be no “inappropriate” sexual relations either. Thus, the chairman of the Chinese Communist Party apparently wants to launch a new anti-corruption regime, as well as strengthen his power.

Prohibition of religion in the CCP

Abstinence from religion now applied to all members of the Chinese Communist Party, including former officials. The religious activity of citizens who occupy or have held any responsible position of significance is subject to control and inevitably punished, including exclusion from the ranks. Even long-retired officials are prohibited from participating in religious activities, according to Reuters. Although the Chinese Constitution enshrines freedom of religion, the Chinese Communist Party closely monitors all employees, who are usually party members.

China's official parliamentary newspaper published a statement from the organization department saying that former government employees are also required to abstain from religious affiliation. Party members cannot join religious associations; on the contrary, they are obliged to actively resist cult evil. However, this government body emphasizes that activities that are associated with any traditional ethnic folk rituals are completely acceptable if they are not related to the religion of any denomination. Religious organizations in the People's Republic of China have recently become more active for various reasons, which is why repressions against various religious leaders have become more severe, and harsh suppression of all kinds of religious meetings and actions is being carried out.

: Zhōngguó Gòngchǎndǎng Zhōngyāng Zhèngzhìjú; abbr. Politburo of the CPC Central Committee; until 1927 - Central Bureau) - a special body of the Communist Party of China, supervising its activities and consisting of 19-25 members. The Politburo of the CPC Central Committee includes the Standing Committee of the Politburo of the CPC Central Committee, consisting of the most influential party members (usually the PC Politburo includes from 5 to 9 people). Members of the Politburo are appointed by the CPC Central Committee.

The power of the Politburo is unlimited, since all its members occupy leadership positions in government bodies of the PRC. In addition, some Politburo members occupy leadership positions in the provinces. The Politburo meets once a month, and the Politburo Standing Committee meets every week. The agenda of Politburo meetings is determined by the General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee, and decisions are made based on general consensus.

Current composition of the Politburo (18th convocation)


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    The Tenth Congress of the Communist Party of China was held on August 24–28, 1973 in Beijing. The congress was attended by 1,249 delegates, out of a CPC population of 28 million at that time. Issues discussed Discussion and condemnation of counter-revolutionary... ... Wikipedia

    The XI Congress of the Communist Party of China was held on August 12-18, 1977 in Beijing. The congress was attended by 1,510 delegates, out of a CPC population of 35 million at that time. Issues discussed Political report of the CPC Central Committee (Hua Guofeng).... ... Wikipedia

    The XIII Congress of the Communist Party of China was held from October 25 to November 1, 1987 in Beijing. The congress was attended by 1,936 delegates and 61 specially invited delegates, out of a CPC population of 46 million at that time. Contents 1... ...Wikipedia

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Books

  • The study and application of philosophy. In 2 parts, Li Ruihuan. Li Ruihuan from 1989 to 2003 was a member of the Standing Committee of the Politburo of the CPC Central Committee, was appointed a member of the Secretariat of the CPC Central Committee, head of the cell for propaganda and...
中共中央军委, pinyin: Zhōnggòng Zhōngyāng Jūnwěi) - the highest party body for the leadership of all the Armed Forces of the People's Republic of China from 1949 to the present.

The Military Council of the CPC Central Committee in 1949-1975 performed its functions jointly with the highest government bodies for the leadership of all the Armed Forces of the People's Republic of China - the People's Revolutionary Military Council of the People's Republic of China (1949-1954) and the State Defense Committee of the People's Republic of China (1954-1975). In 1975-1983, the Military Council of the CPC Central Committee performed its functions independently. Since 1983, the Military Council of the CPC Central Committee has again performed its functions jointly with the highest government body for the leadership of all the Armed Forces of the People's Republic of China - the Central Military Council of the People's Republic of China.

The Military Council of the CPC Central Committee directs the People's Liberation Army of China and the troops of the People's Armed Militia of China.

Subordinate to the Military Council of the CPC Central Committee are the General Staff of the PLA, the Main Political Directorate of the PLA, the Main Directorate of Logistics of the PLA, and the General Directorate of Weapons and Military Equipment of the PLA.

Story

The Military Council of the CPC Central Committee emerged amid the civil war between the Chinese Communist Party and the Kuomintang Party. After the formation of the People's Republic of China in 1949, the Military Council of the CPC Central Committee retained its powers, although in accordance with the Constitution of the People's Republic of China of 1954, the highest state bodies for the leadership of the Armed Forces were created. The PRC Constitutions of 1975 and 1978 did not provide for the existence of a supreme government body for the leadership of the Armed Forces, but the current Constitution of the PRC of 1982 restored the system of dual, party-state government. The Charter of the CPC and the Constitution of the PRC do not distinguish between the powers of the Military Council of the CPC Central Committee and the Central Military Council of the PRC. They are usually identical in composition, and in recent years the term “Central Military Council” is often used in the singular.

The position of Chairman of the Military Council of the CPC Central Committee has been and remains key in the political system of the People's Republic of China. In 1949-1981, it was always occupied by the Chairman of the CPC Central Committee (Mao Zedong, Hua Guofeng). In 1981-1989, the Military Council of the CPC Central Committee was headed by Deng Xiaoping, who, being the de facto leader of the party and state, did not hold senior official positions. Since 1989, the chairman of the Military Council of the CPC Central Committee has again become the official head of the party - the General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee (Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao), with the exception of the period 2002-2004, when the position of chairman was retained by the former leader - Jiang Zemin.

Chairmen

  • Mao Zedong (1936-1976, September 9)
  • Hua Guofeng (1976, October 7 - 1981, June 28)
  • Deng Xiaoping (1981, June 28 - 1989, November 9)
  • Jiang Zemin (1989, November 9 - 2004, September 19)
  • Hu Jintao
  • Xi Jinping (since November 15, 2012)

Deputy Chairmen

  • Hu Jintao (1999, September 22 - 2004, September 19)
  • Guo Boxiong (2002, November 15 - 2012, November 15)
  • Xu Caihou (2004, September 19 - 2012, November 15)
  • Xi Jinping (2010, October 18 - 2012, November 15)
  • Fan Changlong (since November 15, 2012)
  • Xu Qiliang (since November 15, 2012)

Compositions

6-14 convocations

15th convocation

16th convocation

17th convocation

18th convocation

Many observers assumed that Hu Jintao, like his predecessor Jiang Zemin, having left the posts of Secretary General of the CPC Central Committee and Chairman of the People's Republic of China, would retain the position of Chairman of the Central Council. However, this did not happen, and Xi Jinping became the Chairman of the Central Council from the position of Deputy. Due to age restrictions, the resignation of all other members of the Central Military Commission of the previous 17th convocation was predetermined, except for Wu Shengli and Chang Wanquan, they retained their membership in the new convocation. Chang Wanquan also received the post of Minister of Defense of the People's Republic of China in 2013.

see also

“And I will destroy, I will destroy, I will destroy myself as quickly as possible.” None of your business. It will feel bad not for you, but for me. Leave me, leave me. I hate you.
- Natasha! – Sonya cried out in fear.
- I hate it, I hate it! And you are my enemy forever!
Natasha ran out of the room.
Natasha no longer spoke to Sonya and avoided her. With the same expression of excited surprise and criminality, she walked around the rooms, taking up first this or that activity and immediately abandoning them.
No matter how hard it was for Sonya, she kept an eye on her friend.
On the eve of the day on which the count was supposed to return, Sonya noticed that Natasha had been sitting all morning at the living room window, as if expecting something, and that she made some kind of sign to a passing military man, whom Sonya mistook for Anatole.
Sonya began to observe her friend even more carefully and noticed that Natasha was in a strange and unnatural state all the time during lunch and evening (she answered questions asked to her at random, started and did not finish sentences, laughed at everything).
After tea, Sonya saw a timid girl's maid waiting for her at Natasha's door. She let her through and, listening at the door, learned that a letter had been delivered again. And suddenly it became clear to Sonya that Natasha had some terrible plan for this evening. Sonya knocked on her door. Natasha didn't let her in.
“She'll run away with him! thought Sonya. She is capable of anything. Today there was something especially pitiful and determined in her face. She cried, saying goodbye to her uncle, Sonya recalled. Yes, it’s true, she’s running with him, but what should I do?” thought Sonya, now recalling those signs that clearly proved why Natasha had some terrible intention. “There is no count. What should I do, write to Kuragin, demanding an explanation from him? But who tells him to answer? Write to Pierre, as Prince Andrei asked, in case of an accident?... But maybe, in fact, she has already refused Bolkonsky (she sent a letter to Princess Marya yesterday). There’s no uncle!” It seemed terrible to Sonya to tell Marya Dmitrievna, who believed so much in Natasha. “But one way or another,” Sonya thought, standing in the dark corridor: now or never the time has come to prove that I remember the benefits of their family and love Nicolas. No, even if I don’t sleep for three nights, I won’t leave this corridor and forcefully let her in, and I won’t let shame fall on their family,” she thought.

Anatole recently moved in with Dolokhov. The plan to kidnap Rostova had been thought out and prepared by Dolokhov for several days, and on the day when Sonya, having overheard Natasha at the door, decided to protect her, this plan had to be carried out. Natasha promised to go out to Kuragin’s back porch at ten o’clock in the evening. Kuragin had to put her in a prepared troika and take her 60 versts from Moscow to the village of Kamenka, where a disrobed priest was prepared who was supposed to marry them. In Kamenka, a setup was ready that was supposed to take them to the Warsaw road and there they were supposed to ride abroad on postal ones.
Anatole had a passport, and a travel document, and ten thousand money taken from his sister, and ten thousand borrowed through Dolokhov.
Two witnesses - Khvostikov, a former clerk, whom Dolokhov used for games, and Makarin, a retired hussar, a good-natured and weak man who had boundless love for Kuragin - were sitting in the first room having tea.
In Dolokhov’s large office, decorated from walls to ceiling with Persian carpets, bear skins and weapons, Dolokhov sat in a traveling beshmet and boots in front of an open bureau on which lay abacus and stacks of money. Anatole, in an unbuttoned uniform, walked from the room where the witnesses were sitting, through the office into the back room, where his French footman and others were packing the last things. Dolokhov counted the money and wrote it down.
“Well,” he said, “Khvostikov needs to be given two thousand.”
“Well, give it to me,” said Anatole.
– Makarka (that’s what they called Makarina), this one will selflessly go through fire and water for you. Well, the score is over,” said Dolokhov, showing him the note. - So?
“Yes, of course, so,” said Anatole, apparently not listening to Dolokhov and with a smile that never left his face, looking ahead of him.
Dolokhov slammed the bureau and turned to Anatoly with a mocking smile.
– You know what, give it all up: there’s still time! - he said.
- Fool! - said Anatole. - Stop talking nonsense. If only you knew... The devil knows what it is!
“Come on,” said Dolokhov. - I'm telling you the truth. Is this a joke you're starting?
- Well, again, teasing again? Go to hell! Eh?...” Anatole said with a wince. - Really, I have no time for your stupid jokes. - And he left the room.
Dolokhov smiled contemptuously and condescendingly when Anatole left.
“Wait,” he said after Anatoly, “I’m not joking, I mean business, come, come here.”
Anatole entered the room again and, trying to concentrate his attention, looked at Dolokhov, obviously involuntarily submitting to him.
– Listen to me, I’m telling you for the last time. Why should I joke with you? Did I contradict you? Who arranged everything for you, who found the priest, who took the passport, who got the money? All I.
- Well, thank you. Do you think I'm not grateful to you? – Anatol sighed and hugged Dolokhov.
“I helped you, but I still have to tell you the truth: it’s a dangerous matter and, if you look at it, stupid.” Well, you take her away, okay. Will they leave it like that? It turns out that you are married. After all, they will bring you to criminal court...
- Ah! nonsense, nonsense! – Anatole spoke again, wincing. - After all, I explained it to you. A? - And Anatole, with that special passion (which stupid people have) for the conclusion that they reach with their minds, repeated the reasoning that he repeated to Dolokhov a hundred times. “After all, I explained it to you, I decided: if this marriage is invalid,” he said, bending his finger, “then I don’t answer; Well, if it’s real, it doesn’t matter: no one abroad will know this, right? And don't talk, don't talk, don't talk!

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