Yana Politkovskaya. Politkovskaya Anna Stepanovna is a Russian journalist, human rights activist and writer. Biography, books. What you need to know

Anna Politkovskaya, whose maiden name is Mazepa, is a Russian journalist and writer who became famous throughout the world in the second half of the 90s thanks to her reports from Chechnya. The conflict in this mountainous republic was the central theme of Politkovskaya's journalistic work.

Anna was born in New York, America, where her parents lived at that time. The fact is that the girl’s father, Stepan Fedorovich Mazepa, was a diplomat, an employee of the mission of the Ukrainian SSR to the United Nations.

After some time, the family returned to Moscow, where Anna graduated from high school and finally decided on her future profession. Anna Mazepa was very fond of humanitarian subjects, but she was also drawn to communicating with people. The girl’s choice fell on the journalistic profession, and she began to study this specialty at the relevant faculty of Moscow State University named after M.V. Lomonosov.

Journalist

In the 1980s, Anna Politkovskaya worked as a correspondent and journalist for such periodicals as Izvestia, Air Transport, and Megapolis Express. Later, she began to collaborate with Obshchaya Gazeta as editor of the emergency department.

In the mid-90s, Politkovskaya was a special correspondent and columnist for Novaya Gazeta. During the war in the Chechen Republic, the journalist repeatedly traveled to combat areas. For reports and articles from the scene, the woman has repeatedly received awards from the Union of Journalists of the Russian Federation, and was also a laureate of the Golden Pen of Russia award.

But Anna was not limited to just bringing information to the attention of the public. She actively helped the mothers of dead soldiers defend their rights in court, fought corruption in the Ministry of Defense and conducted journalistic investigations against police officers who exceeded their powers.

For example, in September 2001, she published an article “Disappearing People,” in which she accused a law enforcement officer of killing civilians. Four years later, based on the results of the investigation begun by Politkovskaya, one of the policemen mentioned in the publication was sentenced to 11 years.

During the hostage crisis in Moscow, at the Dubrovka Theater Center, it was Anna Politkovskaya who was chosen as the person capable of negotiating with terrorists. And when the tragedy happened in Beslan, the journalist immediately flew to the school where the militants had captured the children, but on the plane she suddenly felt ill and was hospitalized in an unconscious state after an emergency landing in Rostov. Anna would later claim that they tried to poison her in order to prevent objective coverage of the events in Beslan.

Politkovskaya’s last article in Novaya Gazeta was called “Punitive Conspiracy.” In it, she spoke about the Chechen detachments fighting on the side of the federal forces. An announcement was also made of a new publication about torture in Chechnya. But this material no longer appeared in print.

Books

Anna Politkovskaya shared her impressions and collected information with the public in books of her own writing. These are not works of art, but journalistic materials based on personal experience and communication with many people.

The first book to be published was “Journey to Hell. Chechen diary". It was dedicated to the events of 1999 in the Chechen Republic. “The Second Chechen”, “Dirty War: Russian Reporter in Chechnya” and “Alien War, or Life Behind the Barrier” were written on the same topic.

Many of Anna Stepanovna’s works were translated into different languages ​​of the world and published not only in Russia, but also in the West. But the greatest interest, both at home and abroad, was aroused by the scandalous book “Putin’s Russia,” in which the journalist and writer criticized the current government.

Personal life

When Anna Mazepa was studying journalism at Moscow State University, she met another student, Alexander Politkovsky. They were not classmates, since the young man was five years older than the girl. Soon they got married and became spouses.

Two children of Anna and Alexander were born into this family: son Ilya and daughter Vera. The Politkovskys lived together for 21 years, but it cannot be said that their life was cloudless. Both Anna and her husband are complex, frank and straightforward people. Professional successes also affected relationships. Politkovsky was in great demand during the Perestroika period, while his wife had not yet achieved fame. In the 90s, everything changed upside down - thanks to sharp articles on topical topics, the woman gained recognition, but her husband no longer became so popular.

Be that as it may, in 2000 the marriage actually broke up. Alexander and Anna began to live separately, but the divorce was not filed, so Politkovskaya officially remained a married woman until the end of her life.

It should be noted that immediately after the collapse of the Soviet Union, Anna Politkovskaya requested documents for birthright citizenship in the United States. Her claim was satisfied, and the woman had two passports - American and Russian, which she did not intend to give up.

Murder

On October 7, 2006, Anna Politkovskaya was shot dead with a pistol in the elevator of her building in the center of Moscow. The killer fired four shots, one of which was to the head, the so-called “control” shot. This circumstance immediately led the investigation to the version of a contract killing.

Many options were considered to identify the customer and performers. A connection with the professional activities of the journalist was assumed, the so-called “Chechen trace” was also mentioned, that is, they found an opportunity to protect Anna Stepanovna from accusations, and perhaps, on the contrary, to discredit the head of Chechnya.

A version of personal revenge from some hero of her publication was not ruled out. In addition, both the president’s supporters and the opposition found benefits in Politkovskaya’s death.

By the way, the President of the Russian Federation himself stated that the murder of a journalist causes much more harm and harm to Russia than all her articles. And the Novaya Gazeta publication, of which the deceased woman was an employee, announced a reward of 25 million rubles to anyone who would help in the investigation of the crime.

As a result, the investigation established that the actual perpetrator of the murder was Rustam Makhmudov, and the organizer of the crime was the famous Chechen crime boss and businessman Lom-Ali Gaitukaev. They both received life sentences. Also imprisoned were former employee of the ethnic department of the RUBOP Sergei Khadzhikurbanov, as well as the killer’s brothers, Dzhabrail and Tamerlan Makhmudov.

In addition, the participation in the murder of a former employee of the capital’s police department, police lieutenant colonel Dmitry Pavlyuchenkov, was revealed, who supplied the organizers with information about the journalist, including the address of her residence and her daily routine.

Bibliography

• 2000 - Journey to Hell. Chechen diary
• 2001 - Dirty War: Russian reporter in Chechnya
• 2002 - Second Chechen
• 2002 - Chechnya: shame of Russia
• 2002 - Alien War, or Life Behind the Barrier
• 2004 - Putin's Russia

On October 7, 2006, in Moscow, on Lesnaya Street, in house 8/12, the corpse of Novaya Gazeta columnist Anna Stepanovna Politkovskaya, who rented an apartment in this building, was discovered. She was shot in the elevator at just after five. The work was professional: two shots, a control shot to the head, the weapon - a Makarov - was dropped. There is some kind of video recording of the criminal, from which one can understand that he was a man without any special features.

THE BEGINNING OF THE JOURNEY

Anna Stepanovna Politkovskaya was born in 1958 in New York, into a family of high-ranking Soviet diplomats. According to some reports, the head of the family worked under diplomatic cover for intelligence purposes. Now for some reason this is considered compromising evidence, but in general, most of the diplomatic corps of any country is in one way or another connected with intelligence.

Politkovskaya's parents were Ukrainians, so Anna Stepanovna's maiden name was Mazepa. These two circumstances - place of birth and origin - played a certain role in the fate of Politkovskaya.

At the end of the diplomatic mission, Anna Stepanovna’s family settled in Moscow. Of course, all roads were open to a girl from a nomenklatura family. She entered the then super-prestigious Faculty of Journalism at Moscow State University, from which she graduated in 1980. At that time this place was not only criminal, but also extremely liberal. Her thesis was devoted to the work of Tsvetaeva, a poetess who was not completely banned, but not included in the corps of Soviet poets in any way. It was a gesture.

In 1978, Anna married Alexander Politkovsky, who gained fame in the eighties as the host of the “Vzglyad” program. Later, her chosen one, by the way, briefly became famous as a people’s deputy, but that was later.

Yes, that was later. And since 1982, Anna has been working for Izvestia, the largest Soviet newspaper. There she learns the basics of correspondent work. This bread is hard: you need to travel around the country - sometimes on an airplane, and sometimes in the back of a truck - to look for and find people who do not want to meet with you, to be able to get into the highest offices, and all for the sake of a couple of essays. Politkovskaya, however, liked this life. She was a talented “correspondent”: everyone who worked with her was delighted with her energy and punching power - qualities necessary for this job.

It should also be noted that a Soviet-trained journalist was considered not only a “writing person,” but also a public figure. Based on the materials of journalistic investigations, very specific decisions were made; newspaper men had the right to ask their bosses, and they used this right - within certain limits. One Soviet writer, in a fit of bad sentimentality, called journalists “the conscience of an unscrupulous government.” What was expected from them was not “facts,” but “truth.” Politkovskaya was ready to give this truth - as much as the paper would bear and the censor would let through.

True, even then it was possible to notice that the young journalist did not bother herself too much with checking facts and suffered from what is called “trust in the source.”

It is difficult to say when Anna Stepanovna’s beliefs were formed. Most likely, she learned their basis - a fierce hatred of “this country” - from her parents: it is no secret that the main “free-thinkers” in those days were the functionaries favored by the Soviet regime, especially those traveling abroad who had tasted the sweet life abroad. Journalistic practice only added certainty to these sentiments. So Politkovskaya approached the hot days of ninety and ninety-one with a completely complete democrat view of the world. She hasn't changed it since then.

She managed to work in the creative association “Escart”, the publishing house “Paritet”, and also as a columnist for the newspaper “Megapolis-Express”. Her publications did not stand out as anything special - against the backdrop of other nonsense and hysteria.

By the way, in 1991 she applied for and received US citizenship. The basis is birth on the territory of this country. The story is muddy: in fact, according to American laws, someone born in the States automatically receives citizenship rights, but this rule does not apply to the families of diplomatic workers... One way or another, Po*litkovskaya wants to become a citizen of the world's oldest democracy and becomes one. Dual citizenship makes her life and movement around the world much easier.

In 1994, Politkovskaya received a position as a columnist at Obshchaya Gazeta, an exemplary democratic publication. Egor Yakovlev adores the young journalist and contributes to her career in every possible way. She quickly becomes the editor of the "Emergency" department.

After the outbreak of the Chechen conflict, Politkovskaya resolutely took the side of the “Chechen mujahideen, freedom fighters.” However, she didn’t even have a choice: “decent people” - that is, her entire entourage - at that time were completely and entirely for Dudayev. But again, at that time the Chechen theme was carried on by the human rights activist Kovalev, the valkyrie of the Chechen resistance Elena Masyuk, the journalist Babitsky and other colorful characters.

The situation changed after the first Chechen war. By that time, Kovalev was deflated, Elena Masyuk, having been captured by the Mujahideen, had greatly changed her opinions, and the line of “Chechen defendants” began to thin out. Someone new was needed.

In 1999, Yakovlev and Politkovskaya quarrel. Anna leaves Obshchaya Gazeta and finds a place for herself with Dmitry Muratov at Novaya. “Novaya Gazeta” is a kind of Noah’s Ark for a well-preserved demoshiza. Politkovskaya expresses a desire to closely engage with the Chechen topic. A month after starting work, she flies out on her first business trip to the Caucasus. Subsequently, she did not leave those regions - Dagestan, Ingushetia, Chechnya, and so on.

Fame came unexpectedly and quickly. The brave journalist’s reports about the terrible atrocities committed by the “federals” shocked the imagination. Moreover, journalistic activity was also supported by public activity. In December 1999, Politkovskaya organized the removal from bombing of 89 residents of a Grozny nursing home, who, thanks to her efforts, were placed in Russia. Then there was a murky story about how in the summer of the following year the old people were for some reason returned to Grozny - seemingly to show that “life in the city was getting better” - as a result of which they were left in ruins without anything. Novaya Gazeta, on the initiative of the same Politkovskaya, held a charity event to save the elderly - they collected warm clothes, food, medicine, and several thousand dollars. For this she received the prize of the Union of Journalists of the Russian Federation “A good deed - a kind heart.”

Subsequently, Politkovskaya was regularly involved in charity events. Partly at the call of the heart, partly, perhaps, for reasons of cover: against the backdrop of clearly good deeds, it is inconvenient to ask the question of how reliable the materials published by the journalist are.

Since there were indeed problems with this, at least something had to be presented to maintain the image. At least one Chechen victim and at least one executioner of this very victim.

In September 2001, she published in Novaya Gazeta an article “Disappearing People,” telling about the fate of the Chechen Zelimkhan Murdalov, who was arrested in Chechnya by the Khanty-Mansiysk riot police in early 2001, tortured (he was beaten, his arm was broken, his ear was cut off) and then disappeared. Then the journalist began to receive threatening letters signed with the word “cadet.” Khanty-Mansiysk OMON officer Sergei Lapin, who worked directly with Murdalov after his arrest, was known by this nickname. Politkovskaya wrote a letter personally to Gryzlov (then he was the Minister of Internal Affairs) demanding to understand and save her from the maniac, and she went to Austria to write a book about Chechnya.

They decided not to contact the famous journalist. A case was opened against Lapin and - despite numerous inconsistencies and gaps - brought to an end. Lapin was sentenced and convicted. At the same time, Politkovskaya - who by that time had returned from Austria and was continuing her travels around Chechnya and the surrounding area - continued to claim that she was being persecuted.

Yes, one more thing. In the year 2000, Politkovskaya's marriage broke up. Subsequently, evil tongues - for example, Mr. Venediktov, who runs Echo of Moscow - claimed that the husband, they say, could not stand the situation that had developed around his wife (hinting at persecution and pressure). The statement is unverifiable, but you can believe it: judging by the reviews of her friends, it was during these years that “it became difficult with her.” I mean, Politkovskaya finally believed in her mission. Which, as a rule, has a fatal effect on human qualities.

HORROR OF OUR TOWN

Now it’s worth saying a few words about the content of our heroine’s reports and articles.

Under Politkovskaya’s pen, the “federals” turned into bloodthirsty monsters, holding unfortunate Chechens in terrible concentration camps, in terrible pits with ice water. The names of killed and tortured Chechens, evidence of torture, and chilling stories were mentioned.

Let's give an example of a journalist's style. The once famous article “Concentration camp with a commercial bias”, published in Novaya Gazeta on February 26, 2001:

“The Chechens were thrown into a pit called a “bathtub.” It was filled with water (winter, by the way), and smoke bombs were thrown after the Chechens dumped there.

There were six of them in the pit. Not everyone managed to survive. Junior officers who conducted collective interrogations told the Chechens that they had beautiful butts and raped them. They added that this was because “your women don’t want to be with us.” Surviving Chechens now say that avenging “beautiful butts” is the work of the rest of their lives.”

Really scary, especially about butts. True, it later became clear that, apart from stories and names, there was nothing else to confirm. They were never found - although they were looked for for a long time, checks were carried out at the highest level, foreigners were invited - the notorious “baths”. On the territory of the named Politkovskaya part, they found either four or five pits. We quote official data:

“Regarding the number of pits found on the territory, the opinions of the auditors differed. Representatives of the prosecutor's office found four, and Mr. Kalamanov - five. One (with tracks of tracks) was dug to camouflage an infantry fighting vehicle, the second was dug for wastewater from a bathhouse, the third turned out to be garbage, and the other two, as the military explained, were “light shelters for personnel during shelling.” They were covered with logs on top, and, apparently, the journalist mistook these pits for prisons for prisoners.”

The military spoke out more harshly - they called the journalist’s “revelations” a lie. There was even talk of suing her for libel, but no one got involved: it was clear that the liberals would raise a jackal howl, it wouldn’t be a shame. So the legal solution to the issue did not take place. Politkovskaya triumphed and published subsequent reports, even more terrifying.

However, the question of the veracity of the horror stories remained hanging. Even close friends and like-minded people of Politkovskaya in private conversations expressed themselves in the spirit that “Anya is gullible” and does not check her sources. In order not to be unfounded, I will quote from the ultra-liberal journalist Masha Gessen, who completely shares Politkov’s beliefs:

“Unfortunately, Politkovskaya’s articles were replete with unverified and unverifiable data. This is my experience as a person who tried several times to follow in the footsteps of her publications. This is normal journalistic practice: someone mentions some event or phenomenon in their article, one of their colleagues picks up this line and develops it further. With Politkovskaya’s articles, it often became clear that she didn’t actually see this, but was only told about it - and the like... Everyone who worked in Chechnya heard about these very pits in which the feds allegedly kept detained Chechens. I myself had several very detailed interviews with young men who said that they were kept in such pits. I believed and believe these guys. But I myself have never seen such pits, and none of the “neutral” people - that is, journalists, human rights activists - have seen them (at least, as of three or four years ago - maybe since then someone has seen ). That is, everything was reported about them from the words of the victims. And Politkovskaya wrote what she saw. Then it turned out that it was not true. And this happens quite often: human rights activist friends complained that they could not confirm the data published by Politkov*skaya.”

Other fellow journalists, even those close to Politkovskaya and who considered her work useful, said and say - shyly or directly - the same thing. Politkovskaya has always had problems with facts. It always happened that the journalist regularly confused the situations “I saw with my own eyes” and “a Chechen with honest eyes told me.” And she quite calmly wrote “I saw it myself” - when it came to “they told me.”

The existence of the narrators themselves, however, also raised doubts. For example, Anna Stepanovna published an article with “confessions of Russian soldiers fighting in Chechnya.” She, in her own words, received confession from the soldier’s toilet: that is, she sat in this building, and from the outside of this building some people approached this building, calling themselves conscript soldiers, and through the cracks in the boards “they spoke the truth.” I think everyone understands what such informants are worth - even if they actually existed. However, people who fought in Chechnya wrote about this on Internet forums: “all toilet revelations are nonsense.”

But the public, Russian and international, had no doubts about anything. For her journalistic work, prizes and awards rained down on her, bringing honor and even money.

In January 2000, she was awarded the Golden Pen of Russia award. Further, for 2001-2005 she received the following awards:

– Walter Gamnus Prize (Berlin). With the wording “For civil courage.” A gentle expression is 30 thousand euros.

– Annual OSCE Prize for Journalism and Democracy. With the wording “For publications on the state of human rights in Chechnya.” Monetary value - 20 thousand US dollars.

– A. Sakharov Prize (established by Peter Vince) “Journalism as an act.” Monetary value - 5,000 US dollars.

– Global Award for Human Rights Journalism (Amnesty International, London). Monetary value - 12,000 pounds sterling.

– Artem Borovik Prize. (Established by CBS, awarded in New York). Monetary value - 10,000 dollars.

– “Lettres Internationales” Award (France). With the wording “For a book of reports published in French under the title “Chechnya is a shame for Russia.” Monetary value - 50,000 euros.

– Freedom of the Press Award (“Reporters Without Borders”, awarded in Paris). Monetary value - 7,600 euros.

– Olof Palme Prize (Stockholm). With the wording “For achievements in the struggle for peace.” The monetary value is 50 thousand dollars.

– Freedom and Future of the Press Award (Leipzig). Monetary value - 30 thousand euros.

– “Hero of Europe” Award (Time Magazine). With the wording “For courage.” The monetary value is not defined.

– Courage in Journalism Award (Women's International Press Foundation). With the wording “For reporting on the war in Chechnya.” The monetary value is not precisely determined (about 15 thousand euros).

This list does not include purely monetary receipts - from grants from human rights organizations to Chechen money itself (the Chechens regularly used Politkovskaya for their own purposes). However, if anyone thinks that Anna Stepanovna worked for money, they will be mistaken. Rather, she perceived cash receipts as an aid in the struggle.

The same can be said about her handling of facts. Politkovskaya allowed herself to be extremely, incredibly dishonest – precisely because she was absolutely sincere. She had a certain picture of the world in her head - and perceived only what fit into this picture of the world.

APOGEE AND FINALE

The peak of Politkovskaya’s professional demand was “Nord-Ost”. The terrorists who took the hostages expressed a desire to see Politkovskaya among the people with whom they could negotiate. The honor is dubious, but Politkovskaya did not think so: the opportunity to act as a translator of the demands of the bandits inspired her. It would be stronger than any charity - to become the guardian angel of the unfortunate hostages and the mouthpiece of “free Ichkeria”.

There's something worth remembering here. The bandits required two types of intermediaries. Some did PR for the murderers with their presence - for example, Kobzon or Doctor Roshal. With the same reason, they could request, say, Alla Pugacheva. The very presence of VIPs added glamor to the vile action taking place on Dubrovka.

And there were others whom the bandits considered their own. Who was trusted? Those who voiced their position, who worked for them - not out of fear, but out of conscience. Well, that was their conscience.

Politkovskaya was one of these chosen ones. On October 25, she - together with Leonid Roshal - entered the building on Dubrovka. Along with it, water and juice were given to the thirsty hostages.

Perhaps we should be grateful to her for this. But somehow it doesn’t work. If only because Anna Stepanovna actually took upon herself the PR support for the terrorist attack. It was she who was among the organizers of the actions on Vasilievsky Spusk, convened at the request of the terrorists. If not for the assault - which Politkovskaya later wrote about as a terrible crime - then the next action of this kind would have made her the mistress of the discourse. This didn't work out, but for a couple of years she rode corpses like a bicycle. For example, for the anniversary of Nord-Ost, she prepared a series of articles about the survivors and the dead. It would be a good thing - if Politkovskaya had not extorted confessions from the survivors like “I have nothing against the Chechens, Putin is to blame for everything,” “it was necessary to end the war,” and so on. That is, she continued to broadcast the same demands of the now deceased terrorists - this time through the mouths of their victims.

To preface what follows, let’s say that after some time a certain “human rights organization Nord-Ost” was formed, broadcasting on behalf of the hostages as a whole. It is headed by Tatyana Karpova, who lost her son in Nord-Ost. With all the sympathy for her grief, we have to admit that this shop itself is mainly engaged in speaking at all sorts of liberal events on the topic “stop the war in Chechnya”, “freedom for Khodorkovsky” and so on. Karpova, in particular, went to England to see the play “The Capture of Nord-Ost,” where the Chechens are portrayed as white, fluffy sufferers, and the Russians as bloodthirsty and senseless animals. Subsequently, this wonderful organization became famous for including some left-wing comrades among those killed during the terrorist attack - so to speak, “honorable killed.” So, after the death of Politkovskaya, she was awarded the same honor - she is now included in the “list of victims of the terrorist attack on Dubrovka.” It’s not even clear how to comment on this...

Politkovskaya did not make it to the next bloody feast - that is, in Beslan. On September 2, she, together with Leonid Roshal, tried to fly to the scene of the terrorist attack in order to play their role there too. According to her, at first she was not allowed on the plane, and when she was allowed on board, she felt ill. In a Rostov hospital, doctors diagnosed an acute intestinal infection and the journalist was forced to return to Moscow. She herself claimed that she was “poisoned by the secret services.”

However, Politkovskaya’s absence from the scene of the incident did not prevent her from establishing close relations with the “Mothers of Beslan” organization - an organization of approximately the same type as the Nord-Ost one. True, after Grabovoi’s scam, her authority is through the roof.

Politkovskaya also managed to write several books, the most famous being “Putin’s Russia.” The book begins with a confession of hatred for Putin, who, in her opinion, is guilty of working for the KGB. (By the way: George Bush Sr. at one time headed the CIA, which for some reason did not arouse hostile feelings in anyone - rather, on the contrary). Politkovskaya blames Putin for the Chechen war (by the way: not started by him), freezing pensioners (who lost everything not in 2000, but in 1991), and indeed all the world’s evil. The book didn’t make any difference: it’s mostly the remnants of the demshiza who read this, already convinced of what Anna Stepanovna believed in.

She also tried to act in the Chechen direction. But after the accession of Ramzan Kadyrov, working with “the other side” became a difficult and unsafe business.

There is no doubt that if the Kadyrov family had remained there, among the “Mujahideen,” they would have been Anna Stepanovna’s favorites. Under her pen, they would be transformed into subtle intellectuals, dreaming of a world without violence and lamenting the atrocities of the “federals.” But Kadyrov Sr. and Kadyrov Jr. were practical politicians who preferred an agreement with the Kremlin. Then Politkovskaya saw the light and saw monsters in them. For the last two years, she has been busy digging up dirt on Ramzan, fortunately it was not difficult. One might even assume that for the first time in her entire life, her activities acquired at least some positive meaning. Alas, insignificant: “having lied once, who will believe you.”

CANNON

There are questions that are, at least for now, pointless to ask. For example, the obvious “who killed.” No, I do not expect that the investigation will certainly find the “performers and customers.” Although - it may be found, and several times (I remember that the killers of the Tajik Girl were also found several times). If it is really necessary, someone will plug this hole. If it’s not necessary, it won’t be shut up. In any case, the question will remain: no matter what version is proposed, part of the public will still not believe it. Engaging in “calculating versions” without having any facts in hand is a ridiculous and stupid activity.

A somewhat more meaningful question is about who did not kill her. First, let's discard the stupid versions. For example, the destruction of a journalist by the “Putin regime.” Some particularly astute analysts even began to savor the fact that the murder was committed on the President’s birthday: “the head was brought to the table.” If we were talking about some beast-like Chechen field commander, this could be discussed. But among white people such gifts are not accepted, especially in public. On the contrary, you have to curtail the celebration and say some sympathetic words. Which is unpleasant, to say the least.

By the way, about field commanders. One of the most obvious versions of the murder is “Kadyrov’s”. Politkovskaya has recently served the interests of a group that is in permanent conflict with the “Hero of Russia.” It is not a fact, not at all a fact, that he had a hand in her murder - but to exclude this in advance, a priori, would be both strange and even insulting for Ramzan Kadyrov, for whom “head to table” is completely consistent with tradition. But again: Politkovskaya could not bring him much harm, even if she wanted to. This figure was very odious. And even if she had unearthed some blatant facts - however, I simply cannot imagine facts that could damage the reputation of the current Chechen prime minister - then the mere fact that it was Politkovskaya who announced them would have made a considerable part of the reading public wish Ramzan in advance get out of the water unscathed. Not to mention the authorities.

We will not consider versions - already sounding, albeit timidly - about the murder of Anna Stepanovna by some lone volunteer from the former military who went on a “business trip” to the Chechen Republic: it is not interesting. You will also say that she was caught by terrible Russian skinheads. Alas, for better or for worse, our people do not know how to take revenge at all - including on those who more than deserve it. Even Chubais, who is sincerely hated by millions of people, had only one attempt, and that was somewhat dubious. No one would simply get to the bottom of Politkovskaya. And if they did, we would live in another country.

So all “frontal” versions of the murder are eliminated.

But it is quite possible that Politkovskaya was killed not for something, but for some reason. In the sense - for some purpose, which, perhaps, had a rather indirect relation to her direct * activity. To put it more bluntly, she turned out to be a convenient bargaining chip for achieving some goal. "Nothing personal."

This is also the “spoken version”. Some documents appeared on the Internet on the topic of possible political use of Politkovskaya’s death to destabilize the situation in the country - supposedly dated last year. Most likely, this is a current fake: no traces of this document have been found in the recent past. Nevertheless, there is a reason for this kind of construction, and we are obliged to consider it.

It is no secret that there are quite influential forces - from disgraced oligarchs to foreign states - that would not be averse to carrying out something like an “Orange Revolution” in Russia, followed by the installation of some puppet like Yushchenko in the Kremlin chair, or, even better, Saakashvili. This would solve a lot of problems with the country.

And, of course, they will act according to patterns.

There is such a billiard technique - carom. When one ball hits two at once. In this case, the murder of Politkovskaya can be considered as this very double blow - precisely because the two main versions of the murder, “Putin’s” and “Kadyrov’s,” hit two key figures in the country. For the president personally - and for the person who can be considered the “main success” of the president who came to power on the “Chechen theme.”

However, there is also a third ball here: the reaction of the West. So, the American government is obliged - exactly what it is obliged! - to react to the death of an American citizen, which Politkovskaya was. So the indignant attention of the “Washington regional committee” is guaranteed.

Now the question. Who could pull off such a combination?

No, we cannot name names - we don’t know them. One thing is clear: these were, if not friends, then like-minded people of Politkovskaya. Who treated her the same way she treated the facts - that is, as material needed for the “case.”

Is this fair? Alas, yes. Politkovskaya spent her entire life hanging out among a certain type of people and was part of them herself. She did PR on corpses - aware of what she was doing and considering it normal. Now her corpse was needed for the same thing. Well, the same people who paid her money paid for two shots, a control shot to the head.

The conclusion from this story is simple. Treason to the Motherland does not pay for itself.
Konstantin Krylov

Anna Politkovskaya, Russian journalist and human rights activist, was born on August 30, 1958.

Personal matter

Anna Stepanovna Politkovskaya (1958-2006) was born in New York, where her father, Stepan Fedorovich Mazepa, worked as an employee of the Ukrainian SSR mission to the UN. In 1980 she graduated from the Faculty of Journalism of Moscow State University. M.V. Lomonosov, where she met Alexander Politkovsky and married him. The marriage produced two children - Ilya and Vera.

In 1982-1993, she worked for the newspapers Izvestia and Air Transport, the creative association ESCART, and the publishing house Paritet. Until 1994, when the publication finally acquired a reputation as a tabloid, she was a columnist for the weekly Megapolis Express. In 1994-1999 - columnist, editor of the emergency department of the Obshchaya Gazeta.

Real fame came to Politkovskaya after she began working at Novaya Gazeta (1999). As a special correspondent and columnist, she repeatedly traveled to combat areas in Chechnya. For a series of reports from there in January 2000, Anna Politkovskaya was awarded the Golden Pen of Russia award.

Politkovskaya wrote several documentary books about the events in Chechnya in 1999 - “Journey to Hell. Chechen diary”, “Second Chechen”, “Chechnya: shame of Russia”. In addition, the books “Putin’s Russia” and “Russia without Putin” were published in the UK.

A number of widely publicized episodes are associated with Politkovskaya’s activities in the Caucasus. Thus, in February 2001, she was detained in the Chechen village of Khotuni and expelled for staying in the anti-terrorist operation zone without accreditation. Politkovskaya reported on kidnappings and a filtration camp for Chechens at the 45th Airborne Regiment, where, according to her information, torture was practiced. The military rejected these claims. However, after the publication in September of the same year of the article “Disappearing People,” where she accused police officers assigned to the Chechen Ministry of Internal Affairs of killing civilians, one of her defendants was sentenced to 11 years. In total, criminal cases were initiated based on 40 materials from Politkovskaya.

In February 2002, Politkovskaya disappeared during a business trip to Chechnya and reappeared a few days later in Nazran (Ingushetia), saying that she had to hide from the FSB, which wanted to interfere with her investigation into the killings of civilians.

In addition to journalism, Politkovskaya was actively involved in human rights activities: she helped the mothers of dead soldiers defend their rights in the courts, investigated corruption in the Ministry of Defense and the command of the United Group of Federal Forces in Chechnya, and helped victims of the terrorist attack at the Nord-Ost musical.

In September - early October 2006, Anna Politkovskaya significantly intensified her analytical and journalistic activities in light of the approaching parliamentary elections of 2007 and presidential elections of 2008.

On October 7, 2006, the journalist was shot dead in the elevator of her building on Lesnaya Street in Moscow. A Makarov pistol with a silencer and four shell casings were found next to the body. The first information pointed to a contract killing, since four shots were fired at Politkovskaya, one of them in the head.

Anna Politkovskaya is buried at the Troekurovskoye cemetery in Moscow.

Anna Politkovskaya

What is she famous for?

Politkovskaya was actually the personification of the concept of “opposition journalism.” If it worked - in Russia, if not - abroad, she expressed the most impartial opinions about the highest leadership of the country, including President Vladimir Putin. In addition, since 2003, her constant “target” was the President of Chechnya, Ramzan Kadyrov, whom she accused, along with his subordinates, of kidnappings, extortion and other crimes, and in 2004, a series of critical materials appeared about the President of Ingushetia, Murat Zyazikov.

The murder of Politkovskaya became the most notorious massacre of a journalist in the 2000s, comparable in resonance to the murders of Vladislav Listyev and Dmitry Kholodov in the 1990s.

What you need to know

The investigation into Politkovskaya's murder lasted almost 8 years. According to the court verdict, the murder was organized by the Chechen crime boss, repeatedly convicted Lom-Ali Gaitukaev (life sentence), the co-organizer was a former policeman, RUBOP officer Sergei Khadzhikurbanov (20 years of strict regime), the perpetrator was Gaitukaev’s nephew Rustam Makhmudov (life sentence), who was helped by his brothers Ibragim and Dzhabrail Makhmudov (12 and 14 years of strict regime, respectively). These sentences were handed down in June 2014. In 2012, for complicity in murder, Dmitry Pavlyuchenkov, a former police officer and former head of the fourth department of the operational search department of the Moscow Main Internal Affairs Directorate, whose “duties” included monitoring Politkovskaya, received 11 years in prison.

Novaya Gazeta editor-in-chief Dmitry Muratov expressed satisfaction with the work of the investigation, calling its arguments “extremely convincing and professional.” Many versions were expressed about who ordered the murder: perhaps the first candidate was Ramzan Kadyrov, who, in turn, expressed his opinion about Boris Berezovsky’s involvement in the murder. There was also talk about the “Russian trace” (nationalists’ revenge for the journalist’s many years of defending the interests of the Chechen people).

Direct speech

About Vladimir Putin:“I often think: is Putin even a human being? Or an iron frozen statue? I think and don’t find the answer that it’s a person.”

About patriotism:“Love for the Motherland knows no foreign boundaries? Excessive patriotism is harmful, like everything excessive. I am for that patriotism that is with bitterness and pride.”

About love:“We have learned to love quietly - in the sense of understanding to the bottom. Still waiting for years. Also wash your feet and drink water. But passion is like a short-lived burning fire - screw you!

We are not capable of a passionate month (even if it’s just one, but sweet, exhausting and tempting to madness), or even of a passionate breakup, when it is obvious that this is a breakup, but let’s break it up on takeoff!

Continuous delving into oneself, and not the desire to take all the happiness from a partner to the end, even if these are his final hours, and give him the same amount in return, even if tomorrow the emptiness on the pillow is obligatory ».

Commander of the “Highlander” detachment Movladi Baysarov:“When I was with Akhmad Kadyrov, what she wrote was not always convenient for us. But everything she said was true."

Alexander Politkovsky:“I lived with her for 21 years. She was a complex person. And this complexity is localized in her articles. But here we must separate: one thing is the relationship between husband and wife, raising children, and another thing is professional qualities. Anna helped me become a journalist, and I helped her in some ways. She didn't have much luck until 1996. But from that moment on, she became an independent journalist. And then she achieved everything herself.”

7 facts about Anna Politkovskaya

• According to some reports, after the publication of the loans-for-shares auctions, Politkovskaya was threatened by Vladimir Gusinsky.
• Politkovskaya was the first person requested by the Nord-Ost terrorists for negotiations.
• During the seven years of work in Novaya Gazeta, Politkovskaya wrote about five hundred materials.
• In total, the journalist was in Chechnya about sixty times.
• Politkovskaya’s last publication in Novaya Gazeta, “Punitive Conspiracy,” was devoted to the composition and activities of Chechen detachments fighting on the side of the federal forces.
• Politkovskaya was awarded more than twenty Russian and foreign prizes for her journalistic and writing activities.
• A square in Rome, a garden in Milan, an alley in Karlovy Vary and a street in Tbilisi are named after Anna Politkovskaya.

Materials about Anna Politkovskaya

Journalist for Novaya Gazeta, killed in October 2006

Journalist, columnist for Novaya Gazeta. She gained fame as the author of sharp materials about Chechnya and the North Caucasus. Winner of a number of awards, including the "Golden Pen of Russia", the prize of the Union of Journalists of the Russian Federation "A good deed - a good heart", the OSCE prize for covering the situation in Chechnya and the prize of the Union of Journalists for materials on the fight against corruption. Killed on October 7, 2006.

Anna Stepanovna Politkovskaya was born in 1958 in New York into a family of Soviet diplomats of Ukrainian origin (her maiden name was Mazepa). According to other media reports, Politkovskaya was born in the Chernihiv region). In 1980 she graduated from the Faculty of Journalism of Lomonosov Moscow State University.

In 1982, Politkovskaya joined the editorial office of the newspaper Izvestia. Subsequently, she worked in the newspaper "Air Transport", in the Creative Association "ESKART", the publishing house "Paritet", and was a columnist for the newspaper "Megapolis-Express".

In 1994-1999, Politkovskaya was the editor of the emergency department and deputy editor-in-chief of the Obshchaya Gazeta weekly newspaper. In June 1999, Politkovskaya became a columnist for Novaya Gazeta.

Beginning in July 1999, Politkovskaya repeatedly traveled to war zones and refugee camps in Dagestan, and then to Ingushetia and Chechnya.

In December 1999, Politkovskaya organized the removal of 89 residents of a Grozny nursing home from the bombing (she later worked on their resettlement on Russian territory). However, in the summer of 2000, 22 people from among the former inhabitants of the house were returned to Grozny for propaganda purposes, “in order to demonstrate to the whole world that life in Grozny is getting better.” People found themselves without water, medicine, food and clothing. In August 2000, on Politkovskaya's initiative, Novaya Gazeta held a charity event "Grozny. Home for the Elderly", as a result of which 3 tons of cargo and 120 thousand rubles were collected (the journalist herself accompanied the humanitarian cargo to its destination).

In 2000, Politkovskaya received the Golden Pen of Russia award for a series of materials about Chechnya, as well as the Golden Gong 2000 diploma. Politkovskaya was also a laureate of the Union of Journalists of the Russian Federation "A Good Deed - a Kind Heart" award and the Union of Journalists award for materials aimed at fighting corruption.

In September 2001, Novaya Gazeta published Politkovskaya’s article “Disappearing People” about the fate of Chechen Zelimkhan Murdalov, who was arrested in Chechnya by the Khanty-Mansiysk riot police in early 2001 and then disappeared without a trace. A number of media outlets indicated that after the publication, the journalist several times received threatening letters by e-mail from a certain “cadet.” “Cadet” was the name given to Sergei Lapin, an employee of the Khanty-Mansiysk riot police, who directly carried out the detention of Murdalov. Politkovskaya’s publication served as the basis for bringing charges against Lapin under the article “causing grievous bodily harm, abuse of power and forgery,” but they were later dropped.

In October 2002, after the hostage taking in Moscow, at the Dubrovka Theater Center, Politkovskaya was included by terrorists in the list of those with whom they could negotiate. On October 25, she arrived at the operational headquarters for the release of the hostages and communicated with the terrorists by telephone; later, together with Dr. Leonid Roshal, she entered the theater center where the terrorists were holding the hostages.

In February 2003, Politkovskaya received an OSCE award for her coverage of the situation in Chechnya.

In 2004, Politkovskaya, in her article published in the British newspaper The Guardian, claimed that during the Beslan events they tried to poison her (the journalist flew from Moscow to Rostov, but did not reach North Ossetia - from the plane, an unconscious Politkovskaya was hospitalized in Rostov Regional Hospital), .

Politkovskaya was actively involved in human rights activities: she helped the mothers of dead soldiers in court, conducted an investigation into corruption in the Ministry of Defense and the ranks of the command of the United Group of Federal Forces in Chechnya.

Politkovskaya's last publication in Novaya Gazeta - "Punitive Conspiracy" - was dedicated to the Chechen detachments fighting on the side of the federal forces. On October 8, Novaya Gazeta was supposed to publish her material about torture in Chechnya. The newspaper's editor-in-chief Dmitry Muratov told Ekho Moskvy that this article was supposed to talk about the involvement of Chechen Prime Minister Ramzan Kadyrov in kidnappings in the republic.

On October 7, 2006, Politkovskaya was killed at the entrance of her house on Lesnaya Street (next to the Belorussky Station). Gunshot wounds were found on the body of the murdered woman; an abandoned Makarov pistol and 4 shell casings were found nearby. According to other media reports, the killer used an Izh pistol with a silencer - it was this weapon with the serial number filed off that the killer threw next to the victim’s body.

The investigation cited her professional activities as one of the first versions of Politkovskaya’s murder. In connection with the death of the journalist, a criminal case was opened under Article 105, part two of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (“Murder of a person or his relatives in connection with the performance of official activities by this person or the performance of a public duty”).

The media put forward several possible reasons for the murder of the journalist. The so-called “Chechen trace” was mentioned in the press (it was suggested that Politkovskaya’s murder could be an attempt to protect herself from accusations, or, on the contrary, to compromise the leadership of the Chechen Republic, in particular the Chechen Prime Minister Kadyrov. The death of the journalist, in the opinion of others, could seem beneficial supporters of the re-election of President Vladimir Putin for a third term (the result of the president’s damaged international image may be the global isolation of Moscow, which will allow Putin’s entourage to force him to remain in office), or, on the contrary, it may be in the hands of oppositionists who want to jeopardize the Kremlin’s policy and push Russians to widespread protests, Finally, it was argued that the murder of Politkovskaya could be someone’s personal revenge for the journalist’s revealing publications.

On October 8, 2006, the shareholders of Novaya Gazeta awarded a prize of 25 million rubles for information that could lead to the identification of the customers, organizers and perpetrators of the murder of Politkovskaya.

Politkovskaya is the author of several documentary books about the situation in Chechnya ("Journey to Hell. Chechen Diary", "My War. Chechen Diary of a Trench General", "Second Chechen", "Chechnya: Shame of Russia", "Putin's Russia", "Russia without Putin"). Many of Politkovskaya's books have been translated into foreign languages ​​and published abroad. Politkovskaya appeared on the list of “enemies of the Russian people and Russian statehood,” the existence of which was announced by LDPR deputy Nikolai Kuryanovich in March 2006.

Politkovskaya was divorced. Her ex-husband, Alexander Politkovsky, is a famous television journalist, people's deputy in 1989-1993 (the marriage was formalized in 1978, broke up in 2000). Politkovskaya is survived by two children: son Ilya and daughter Vera.

Materials used

Alexander Boyko, Alexander Gamov, Vyacheslav Markov, Olga Vandysheva, Andrey Baranov, Vladimir Vorsobin. Did the KP correspondent see the killer who shot Politkovskaya? - Komsomolskaya Pravda, 09.10.2006

The investigative team of the Investigative Committee under the General Prosecutor's Office, headed by Petros Gharibyan, tried to reconstruct the last days of Anna Politkovskaya's life literally by the hour. For this purpose, printouts of calls from mobile phones, data from cell towers, and recordings from external surveillance cameras were used. All this was presented to jurors in the Moscow District Military Court, where hearings in the case are taking place. This presentation was at the disposal of The New Times, and now we can tell how, according to investigators, the Novaya Gazeta journalist was killed.

4 days before death

For the first time, the camera at entrance No. 4 of building No. 8/12 on Lesnaya recorded the alleged killer on October 3, 2006 at 17.02. In any case, it is from this date that investigators begin their version. That is, 4 days before the crime. “A man in dark clothes, a cap and an object resembling a raincoat thrown over his left arm” (as in the investigative documents), moves along the house from entrance No. 4 on the street. Alexander Nevsky to entrance No. 2 on Lesnaya: Anna Politkovskaya lived here (photo 1). Politkovskaya's house is a corner building. Entrances No. 3 and 4 go to Alexander Nevsky Street, entrance No. 2 goes to Lesnaya. A man approaches the entrance door, goes inside, and a few minutes later, at 17.09, Anna Politkovskaya returns home. A few more minutes pass, and the journalist leaves the house with the dog, a man in a cap comes out after her (photo 2), but does not follow Politkovskaya, but leaves in the same direction from which he came. A day later, on October 5, history repeats itself. The same man, recorded by the camera, again walks the same route; after him, as two days ago, Politkovskaya enters the house (photo 3), and a few minutes later he leaves and again leaves along Alexander Nevsky Street. The day before the murder, October 6, cameras in the area of ​​Politkovskaya’s house also filmed a VAZ-2104 car. Surveillance of the house continued.

Last day

October 7, 2006, 2 hours before the murder: Anna Politkovskaya, as evidenced by surveillance cameras, goes to the Ramstore store on Frunzenskaya Embankment. Two young men follow her. One of them, wearing a baseball cap, obviously aware of the camera, covers his face with his hand (photo 4). At 14 hours 42 minutes and 17 seconds, the camera at the entrance to the Ramstore once again shows Politkovskaya, followed by the same young man (photo 5).

Half an hour before this, another camera, on the corner of 3rd Tverskaya-Yamskaya Street and Lesnaya, recorded a VAZ-2104 car. The car drives along Lesnaya Street towards Politkovskaya’s house, passes it and goes to house No. 10/16. The car winds around the area for some time, and already at 15.55 it is recorded by a camera near house number 10 on Alexander Nevsky Street. The same man in a cap and dark clothes comes out of it and walks along the route that is already well known to him to house No. 8/12 on Lesnaya Street. The car goes towards the Garden Ring.

Politkovskaya returns from Ramstore. The alleged killer enters Politkovskaya's entrance at 3:57 p.m. 9 minutes later, at 16.06, Anna comes to the door (photo 6). She has a bag of products from Ramstore in her hands (photo 7), she takes the keys out of her purse (photo 8). At 16 hours 06 minutes 35 seconds she brings the key of the combination lock to the intercom (photo 9). At 16:06:39, the camera records that she entered the entrance, but in the frame there is only a shadow, part of her shoulder, and her left hand (photo 10). After 24 seconds, the entrance door opens and the killer comes out (photo 11). During these 24 seconds, Anna Politkovskaya managed to climb the steps, press the call button for the elevator that was waiting for her on the 1st floor, enter the cabin... The first shot was in the head. Death was instant. Then there were three more...

In the dock at the Moscow District Military Court there is neither the alleged killer nor the orderer of the massacre.

In a cage in front of the jurors are Sergei Khadzhikurbanov, Ibragim and Dzhabrail Makhmudov: the prosecution suspects them of assisting in the crime. They, according to the investigation, conducted surveillance of Anna Politkovskaya from the same VAZ-2104 car. The investigation believes that the killer was their brother, Rustam Makhmudov. But it has still not been possible to find him. According to investigators, he is hiding in Euro
ne. As for the customer, apparently, the investigation does not even have workable leads on this matter.

The state prosecution seeks to complete the trial of the accomplices as soon as possible. Ideally - before the New Year. The lawyer of the accused, Murad Musaev, is convinced of this. “The state prosecution wants to quickly close this case so as not to look for the true culprits,” he said in an interview with The New Times. “My clients are only accused of complicity in a crime, but after the verdict, the prosecutor’s officers will simply check the box that the case has been solved, and will not look for either the killer or the person who ordered the murder of Anna Politkovskaya.”

The editor-in-chief of Novaya Gazeta, Dmitry Muratov, has his own thoughts on this matter: “The fact is that a number of those involved in this case are secret or overt FSB agents. Many people, of course, don’t want to make this widely public. In order to remove the FSB from the Politkovskaya murder case, everything related to another accused, FSB Colonel Pavel Ryaguzov, was transferred to a separate case.” It was Colonel Ryaguzov, according to investigators, who provided the criminals with information about Anna Politkovskaya’s residence, which was carefully hidden by both the newspaper and Anna herself: she received many and frequent threats. For the same reasons, according to Muratov, they tried to make the process closed from the very beginning.

At the time of going to press this issue, the defense of the accused was being heard in court. What lies ahead is the interrogation of additional witnesses, arguments between the parties, speeches by the prosecutor and lawyers before the jury and, in fact, the rendering of a verdict. Surprises are also possible. According to The New Times' interlocutors, who are closely familiar with the case materials, at this stage the jury, for example, may be provided with irrefutable evidence of Rustam Makhmudov's involvement in the murder. Novaya Gazeta editor-in-chief Dmitry Muratov will also give his testimony to the court. And here, too, surprises are possible.

After life

Last photo. An open elevator door: a wooden board placed by someone prevents it from closing. On the right is a bag with purchases from Ramstore; on the left, close to the body, is a pistol with a silencer. Anna Politkovskaya sits on the floor, leaning between the back and left walls of the elevator. Head down. It seems like a very tired man is just sitting there. Only there is blood on the gray hair, the glasses fell on the chest, and there is also a drop of blood on them... And those who remained on the other side of this elevator, in our lives, have one question: for what? And another: who?