Author of the manifesto October 17, 1905 The highest manifesto on the improvement of public order

Revolution 1905-1907 was democratic and had a nationwide character. The revolution took place under the slogans of the implementation of bourgeois freedoms. Under the current conditions, the autocracy tried to use various ways the fight against the revolution - from political terror to political concessions to the masses.

One of these concessions was the attempt by the Minister of Internal Affairs of Russia A.G. Bulygin to create a State Duma under the tsar - an advisory body without any legislative rights.

The manifesto of August 6, 1905 said: “Now the time has come, following their good initiatives, to call on elected people from the entire Russian land to constant and active participation in the drafting of laws, including for this purpose a special legislative advisory institution in the composition of the highest state institutions, which is granted development and discussion of government revenues and expenditures.”

At the same time, workers and peasants were not allowed to participate in the elections. Of course, this political concession could not stop the further development of the revolution. The “Bulygin Duma,” as the masses called it, was swept away by the All-Russian political strike in October 1905.

A powerful strike movement, which was political in nature, forced the Tsar to sign the Manifesto on October 17, 1905, which promised the convocation of the Legislative Duma.

The manifesto promised the population “the unshakable foundations of civil freedom on the basis of actual personal inviolability, freedom of conscience, speech, assembly and association.”

In Russia, the State Duma was introduced, which was declared legislative. The Manifesto contained the promise that “no law could take effect without the approval of the State Duma.” It was promised to attract those classes of the population that had previously been deprived of voting rights to participate in the Duma. This concerned, first of all, workers.

The draft of the Tsar's Manifesto was not discussed at the meeting of the State Council, as was customary then. The project was fiercely opposed by the dignitaries closest to the Tsar, the Minister of the Imperial Household Fredericks and others. However, there was no time for debate and reflection. Nicholas II understood this very well. October 17, 1905 the Manifesto on Improvement is adopted public order, who proclaimed: 1) the granting of freedom of conscience, speech, assembly and association; 2) attracting broad sections of the population to the elections; 3) mandatory procedure approval by the State Duma of all laws issued.

Numerous political parties are emerging and legalized in the country, formulating in their programs demands and ways of political transformation of society. The Manifesto of October 17, 1905, proclaiming the introduction of civil liberties and the organization of a legislative body (the State Duma), limiting monarchical power, marked the beginning of bourgeois constitutionalism in Russia.

• On December 11, 1905, the law on elections to the Duma was adopted. According to this law, elections to the Duma were multi-stage, class-based and unequal, held by curiae - agricultural, urban, peasant and workers. Representation was unequal: one elector from 2 thousand people in the landowning curia, from 4 thousand in the peasant curia and 90 thousand in the workers’ curia. Thus, one vote of the landowner was equal to three votes of townspeople, 15 votes of peasants and 45 of workers.
• On February 20, 1906, the act “Establishment of the State Duma” was issued, which defined its competence: preliminary development and discussion of legislative proposals, approval of the state budget, discussion of issues on the construction of railways and the establishment of joint-stock companies.

The Duma was elected for five years. Duma deputies were not accountable to voters, their removal could be carried out by the Senate, and the Duma could be dissolved early by decision of the emperor.

With a legislative initiative, the Duma could include ministers, commissions of deputies and the State Council.

Simultaneously with the “Establishment”, a new Regulation on the State Council was adopted, which was reformed and became the upper house, having the same rights as the Duma. The State Council had to approve projects discussed in the Duma.

The revolution of 1905 led to the transformation of unlimited autocratic power into a constitutional monarchy. However, vestiges of unlimited autocracy remained in many areas of life. During the discussion in April 1906 of the draft Fundamental Laws Russian Empire, in which the character was determined royal power, Nicholas II reluctantly agreed to the exclusion of the term “unlimited”. The title “autocratic” was retained, the prerogatives of the emperor were declared to be the revision of basic laws, the highest public administration, management foreign policy, the supreme command of the armed forces, the declaration of war and the conclusion of peace, the declaration of a locality under martial law and a state of exception, the right to mint coins, the dismissal and appointment of ministers, the pardon of convicts and a general amnesty.

Thus, the fundamental laws of April 23, 1906, defined a bicameral parliamentary system, but retained very wide limits for imperial power.

The Basic Laws noted that, together with the Duma and the State Council, the emperor exercises legislative power, but without imperial approval, not a single law gains force. In Chapter 1, the formulation of supreme power was given: “The Supreme Autocratic Power belongs to the All-Russian Emperor.”

The power of administration also belonged to the emperor “in its entirety,” but the emperor exercised legislative power “in unity with the State Council and the State Duma,” and no new law could be adopted without their approval and enter into force.

The State Council was reorganized in February 1906, and in April it was given the state-legal status of the second parliamentary chamber.

The functions of the Committee of Ministers, abolished in April 1906, were transferred partly to the Council of Ministers and partly to the State Council. The ministers were responsible only to the tsar and were appointed by him; the government had not yet acquired the character of a “bourgeois cabinet.”

The October 17 Manifesto created the political conditions for the formation of political parties. Upcoming elections In the State Duma, conservative liberal movements were given the task of forming political parties. Political freedoms made it possible to hold legal congresses and publish their political programs and statutes.

I State Duma.

The first “popularly” elected Duma lasted from April to July 1906. Only one session took place. The Duma included representatives of different political parties.

The largest faction were the Cadets - 179 deputies. The Octobrists numbered 16 deputies, the Social Democrats - 18. 63 representatives from the so-called national minorities took part in the work of the Duma, and 105 from non-party members.

An impressive faction was made up of representatives of the Agrarian Labor Party of Russia, or, as they were then called, “trudoviks.” The faction counted 97 deputies in its ranks, and the faction practically retained this quota throughout all convocations. The Chairman of the first State Duma was cadet S. A. Muromtsev, a professor at Moscow University.

From the very beginning of its activity, the Duma demonstrated that a representative institution of the people of Russia, even elected on the basis of an undemocratic electoral law, will not tolerate the arbitrariness and authoritarianism of the executive branch. This trait appeared from the first days of the Russian parliament. In response to the Tsar’s “speech from the throne” on May 5, 1906, the Duma adopted an address in which it demanded an amnesty for political prisoners, the real implementation of political freedoms, universal equality, the liquidation of state, appanage and monastic lands, etc.

Eight days later, Chairman of the Council of Ministers I.L. Goremykin decisively rejected all the demands of the Duma, which in turn passed a resolution of complete no-confidence in the government and demanded its resignation. The ministers declared a boycott of the Duma and demonstratively introduced their first bill to the State Duma - allocating 40,029 rubles 49 kopecks for the construction of a palm greenhouse and the construction of a laundry at Yuryev University. The Duma responded with a hail of requests.

The most acute conflict was between the Duma and the government when discussing the agrarian issue. The government argued that the projects of the Cadets and Trudoviks gave the peasants only a small increase in land, but the inevitable destruction of cultural (landowner) farms would cause great losses to the economy.

In June 1906, the government addressed the population with a message on the agrarian question, which rejected the principle of forced alienation. The Duma, for its part, stated that it would not deviate from this principle, demanding the resignation of the government.

In general, during the 72 days of its existence, the first Duma accepted 391 requests for illegal government actions and was dissolved by the tsar.

II State Duma.

The elections to the Second Duma gave an even greater advantage to the left parties than was the case in the First Duma. In February 1907, the Duma began its work, and attempts were made to cooperate with the government (even the Socialist Revolutionaries announced that they would cease their terrorist activities during the Duma’s activities).

The Second State Duma existed from February to June 1907. One session also took place. In terms of the composition of the deputies, it was significantly to the left of the first, although according to the plan of the courtiers it should have been more to the right.

In the Second State Duma on March 20, 1907, for the first time there was a discussion of recording state revenues and expenses (the country's budget).

The head of government outlined a program of future reforms: peasant equality and peasant land management, classless self-governing volost as a small zemstvo unit, reform of local government and the court, transfer of judicial power to magistrates elected by the population, legalization of trade unions, punishability of economic strikes, reduction of working hours, school reform , financial reform, introduction of water income tax.

It is interesting that most of the meetings of the first Duma and the second Duma were devoted to procedural problems. This became a form of struggle between deputies and the government during the discussion of bills that, according to the government, the Duma had no right to discuss. The government, subordinate only to the tsar, did not want to reckon with the Duma, and the Duma, as the “people's chosen one,” did not want to submit to this state of affairs and sought to achieve its goals in one way or another.

Ultimately, the Duma-Government confrontation was one of the reasons that on June 3, 1907, the autocracy carried out a coup d'etat, changing the election law and dissolving the Second Duma. The reason for the dissolution of the Second Duma was the controversial case of the rapprochement of the Duma faction of the Social Democrats with “ military organization RSDLP”, which was preparing an armed uprising among the troops (June 3, 1907).

Along with the manifesto on the dissolution of the Duma, a new Regulation on Elections was published, which changed the electoral legislation. Its adoption was carried out in clear violation of the Manifesto of October 17, 1905, which emphasized that “no new laws can be adopted without the approval of the State Duma.”

The Third Duma, the only one of the four, served the entire five-year term prescribed by the law on elections to the Duma - from November 1907 to June 1912. Five sessions took place.

This Duma was significantly more to the right than the previous two. Two-thirds of the electors to the Duma represented directly or indirectly the interests of the landowners and bourgeoisie. The party alignment also testified to this. In the third Duma there were 50 extreme right deputies, 97 moderate right and nationalists. Groups appeared: Muslim - 8 deputies, Lithuanian-Belarusian 7 deputies and Polish - 11 deputies.

Octobrist N.A. was elected Chairman of the Duma. Khomyakov, who was replaced in March 1910 by the prominent merchant and industrialist A.I. Guchkov, a man of desperate courage who fought in the Anglo-Boer War, where he became famous for his recklessness and heroism.

Despite its longevity, the Third Duma did not emerge from crises from the very first months of its formation. Acute conflicts arose on various occasions: on issues of reforming the army, on the peasant issue, on the issue of attitude towards the “national outskirts”, as well as because of personal ambitions that tore apart the deputy corps. But even in these extremely difficult conditions, opposition-minded deputies found ways to express their opinions and criticize the autocratic system in the face of all of Russia. For this purpose, deputies widely used the request system. For anything emergency Deputies, having collected a certain number of signatures, could submit an interpellation, that is, a demand for the government to report on its actions, to which one or another minister had to respond.

Interesting experience was accumulated in the Duma during the discussion of various bills. In total, there were about 30 commissions in the Duma. Large commissions, such as the budget commission, consisted of several dozen people. Elections of commission members were carried out at a general meeting of the Duma with the preliminary approval of candidates in the factions. In most commissions, all factions had their representatives.

Bills coming to the Duma from ministries were first of all considered by the Duma meeting, consisting of the Chairman of the Duma, his comrades, the Secretary of the Duma and his comrade. The meeting made a preliminary conclusion on sending the bill to one of the commissions, which was then approved by the Duma.

Each project was considered by the Duma in three readings. At the end of the third reading, the presiding officer put the bill as a whole with the adopted amendments to a vote.

The Duma's own legislative initiative was limited by the requirement that each proposal come from at least 30 deputies.

The fourth and last in the history of autocratic Russia, the Duma arose in the pre-crisis period for the country and the whole world - the eve of world war. From November 1912 to October 1917, five sessions took place.

The composition of the Fourth Duma differed little from the Third. Except that there has been a significant increase in clergy in the ranks of deputies. The Chairman of the Fourth Duma throughout the entire period of its work was a large Ekaterinoslav landowner, a man with a large-scale state mind, the Octobrist M.V. Rodzianko.

The situation did not allow the Fourth Duma to concentrate on large-scale work. She was constantly feverish. There were endless, personal “showdowns” between the leaders of the factions, within the factions themselves. Moreover, with the outbreak of the World War in August 1914, after major failures of the Russian army at the front, the Duma entered into an acute conflict with the executive branch.

Despite all sorts of obstacles and the dominance of reactionaries, the first representative institutions in Russia had a serious impact on the executive power and forced even the most notorious governments to reckon with themselves. It is not surprising that the Duma did not fit well into the system of autocratic power and that is why Nicholas II constantly sought to get rid of it. Eight years and one day after the promulgation of the manifesto of October 17, 1905 - October 18, 1913 - he signed, without putting a date, two decrees. Some imposed a state of siege in the capital of the empire, while others dissolved the then existing Fourth Duma ahead of schedule, so that the newly elected one would no longer become a legislative body, but only a legislative advisory body.

On September 3, 1915, after the Duma accepted the war loans allocated by the government, it was dissolved for vacation. The Duma met again only in February 1916. Enraged deputies, mainly from the cadets, decisively demanded the resignation of the Minister of War. He was removed and replaced by A.F. Trepov.

But the Duma did not work for long, since on December 16, 1916 it was again dissolved for participating in “ palace coup" The Duma resumed its activities on February 14, 1917, on the eve of the February abdication of Nicholas II from power. On February 25, 1917, the Duma was dissolved again and did not meet officially again. But formally and in fact the Duma existed.

The State Duma played a leading role in the establishment of the Provisional Government. Under the Provisional Government, the Duma worked under the guise of “private meetings.” The Duma opposed the creation of Soviets. In August 1917, she participated in the preparation of the unsuccessful Kornilov campaign against Petrograd. The Bolsheviks more than once demanded its dispersal, but in vain.

On October 6, 1917, the Provisional Government decided to dissolve the Duma in connection with preparations for the elections in constituent Assembly. As is known, it was dispersed by the Bolsheviks in January 1918 with the active participation of their partners in the government bloc - the Left Socialist Revolutionaries.

A little earlier, on December 18, 1917, one of the decrees of Lenin’s Council of People’s Commissars also abolished the office of the State Duma. This is how the era of “bourgeois” parliamentarism ended in Russia. History of State and Law of Russia./ Ed. Titova Yu. P.. - M., 2006. .

The Supreme Manifesto of October 17, 1905 is a legislative act of the supreme power of the Russian Empire. According to one version, it was developed by Sergei Yulievich Witte on behalf of Emperor Nicholas II. According to other sources, the text of the Manifesto was prepared by A.D. Obolensky and N.I. Vuich, and Witte provided general leadership. There is information that on the day the manifesto was signed, two projects were on the table in front of the tsar: the first was to introduce a military dictatorship (his uncle Nikolai Nikolaevich was planned to be dictator), and the second was a constitutional monarchy. The Tsar himself was inclined towards the first option, but the Grand Duke’s decisive refusal forced him to sign the Manifesto. Adopted under the pressure of the October general political strike and, above all, the railway workers' strike, the Manifesto granted democratic freedoms to society and promised the convening of a legislative State Duma. The main significance of the Manifesto was that it previously distributed the sole right of the emperor between the monarch and the legislative State Duma. As a result of the adoption of the Manifesto by the Emperor, changes were made to the Basic State Laws of the Russian Empire, which actually became the first Russian Constitution.

Under the conditions of the First Russian revolution it is with this act that the transition from an autocratic form of government in Russia to a constitutional monarchy, as well as liberalization, is traditionally associated political regime and the entire way of life in the country. The Manifesto of October 17 granted Russian subjects civil liberties, and the future State Duma was endowed with legislative rights instead of the legislative rights promised earlier on August 6. This Manifesto was based on a new draft of the State Duma, which was aimed at “an early end to the unrest that is so dangerous for the state.” In addition to taking measures to “eliminate direct manifestations of disorder,” the government was entrusted with three tasks: to grant the population the unshakable foundations of civil freedom on the basis of actual inviolability of the person, freedom of conscience, speech, assembly and association; to attract to participation in the Duma those classes of the population that are completely deprived of voting rights (we were talking about workers); establish that no law can be adopted without the approval of the State Duma. At the same time, the emperor retained the right to dissolve the Duma and block its decisions with his veto.

The document ended with an appeal “to all the faithful sons of Russia”, together with the sovereign, “to exert all efforts to restore silence and peace in their native land.” But the period from October 18 to October 29, 1905 was marked by another outbreak of violence: during these days about 4 thousand people were killed and about 10 thousand were injured. Such violence became possible due to the confusion of the central and, especially, local authorities after the publication of the Manifesto. The fact is that the Manifesto was prepared in complete secrecy, and after its publication no explanations were made. There is evidence that even the Minister of the Interior found out about it at the same time as everyone else. What can we say about the governors and police chiefs in the provinces, if even the capital’s officials did not know how to act under the terms of the “constitution”.

The manifesto was published simultaneously with the note by S.Yu. Witte addressed to the emperor, which emphasized that the principles of the new order for Russia should “be implemented only insofar as the population acquires the habit and civic skill of them.” In practice, despite the abolition of corporal punishment, the Cossacks and peasants in the community continued to flog the guilty. As before, “lower ranks (soldiers) and dogs” were strictly prohibited from entering parks for the “clean” public. Merchants continued to imprison debtors from the merchant guilds in a commercial debtor's prison.

Decree “On strengthening the principles of religious tolerance” of April 17, 1905 and the provisions of the 7th chapter of the Code of Fundamental state laws(dated April 23, 1906), by which the Orthodox were allowed to freely convert to other faiths, and all subjects not belonging to the ruling church Russian state and foreigners to enjoy “everywhere the free exercise of their faith and worship according to its rites,” only led to the penetration of proselytism and missionaries into Russia, the creation of various kinds of sects and the strengthening of the schism in the highest Orthodox clergy.

In addition to the State Duma, the Manifesto of October 17, 1905 also changed the functions of the rest of the highest government institutions of the empire. By decree of October 19, 1905, the Council of Ministers became a permanent body responsible to the Tsar. That is, he did not become a cabinet in the European sense, since he was not responsible to the Duma. Ministers were also appointed by the emperor. By decree of February 20, 1906, the State Council was turned into the upper house of parliament as a counterweight to the Duma. Now half of the members of the State Council were appointed by the tsar (including the chairman and vice-chairman), and the other half were elected from zemstvos, noble assemblies and universities.

However, hopes for the “pacification” of Russia were not justified, since the Manifesto was regarded in left-wing circles as a concession to the autocracy, and in right-wing circles as a royal favor. This, in turn, determined the very contradictory and half-hearted nature of the transformations associated with the implementation of the civil liberties proclaimed by the Manifesto. A direct consequence of the release of the October Manifesto was the emergence of legal political parties, trade unions and other public organizations, as well as the legal opposition press.

The Decree of March 4, 1906 “On temporary rules on societies and unions” regulated the activities of political parties, the activities of which were legalized by the Manifesto of October 17. This was the first legal act in the history of Russia that officially allowed and established certain rules for the activities of various political entities, including opposition ones. Societies and unions could be formed without “asking for permission from government authorities” on the basis of compliance with the rules established by decree. First of all, societies pursuing goals contrary to public morality or prohibited by criminal law, threatening public peace and security, as well as those managed by institutions or persons located abroad, if the societies pursue political goals, were prohibited.

At the beginning of the century, about 100 parties were created, which can be divided into: conservative-monarchist, conservative-liberal (Octobrists), liberal (Cadet), neo-populist, social-democratic and nationalist. The Constitutional Democratic Party (self-name - “Party of People's Freedom”) took organizational form at its first congress in Moscow on October 12-18, 1905. In the spring and summer of 1906, there were about 50 thousand people in the party (of which 8 thousand were in Moscow and St. Petersburg). The Union of October 17 party was formed after the publication of the Tsar's manifesto on October 17, 1905. The total number of the party in 1905-1907 was about 50-60 thousand members. At the same time, the number of the Moscow organization reached about 9-10 thousand, and the St. Petersburg organization reached about 14 thousand people. Law-abiding parties of the center, which later merged with the Octobrists, include the Trade and Industrial Union (established in St. Petersburg in October-November 1905 and dissolved at the end of 1906), the Moderate Progressive Party (formed in October-November 1905 in Moscow); the St. Petersburg Progressive Economic Party (emerged in October-November 1905) and the Right Order Party (emerged in St. Petersburg in mid-October 1905). As for the Black Hundred organizations, they arose even before the publication of the Manifesto. So, Russian collection was formed in the fall of 1900, the Union of Russian People (in October 1905, transformed into the Union of the Russian People) and the Russian Monarchist Party - in March 1905. The total number of these organizations by the summer of 1906 was more than 250 thousand members. The left parties, whose formation began back in late XIX century. The formation of trade unions also took place without waiting for the Manifesto to appear.

In the six-month activity of the cabinet of S.Yu. Witte great place was allocated to transformations related to the implementation of the civil liberties proclaimed by the Manifesto - laws on societies and unions, on meetings and the press. But on the other hand, already in mid-February 1906, Witte switched to the position of a supporter of unlimited tsarist power and began to prove that the Manifesto of October 17 not only did not mean a constitution, but could also be canceled “every hour.”

A clear example of the limited nature of reforms in the field of citizens' rights is censorship legislation, which, as a result of all amendments and innovations, by 1904 was essentially reduced to the Charter of 1828. Another thing is that in the wake of the revolution, publishers actually stopped turning to censorship for permission. Under these conditions, the government was satisfied with the hastily prepared next Temporary Rules on time-based publications dated November 24, 1905. They abolished preliminary censorship and the system of administrative penalties. The latter, however, continued to be applied on the basis of the 1881 Law on the State of Exception, which was extended to a significant part of the territory of Russia. The right of the Ministry of Internal Affairs to prohibit discussion in the press of any issue of national importance was abolished, but individual issues of newspapers and magazines could be seized by order of an official with the simultaneous initiation of prosecution.

On April 23, 1906, four days before the start of the Duma, Nicholas II, by personal decree, approved the “Basic Laws” (Constitution) of the Russian Empire, prepared by a special commission headed by S.Yu. Witte. The count himself defined the regime being established as “legal autocracy.” The Constitution broadly declared fundamental freedoms and rights: judicial protection private property subjects (forced confiscation of the latter was allowed only by court and with preliminary equivalent compensation); the right to legal representation in the event of arrest and transfer of the case to a jury trial; the right to freely choose your place of residence and freely travel abroad. True, there was no mass exodus of the “non-noble classes” (80% of the population) abroad, with the exception of small groups of revolutionaries. The definition of the tsar’s power as unlimited was removed from the Basic Laws (he exercised legislative power together with the Duma and the State Council), but the title “autocratic” was retained. The prerogatives of the tsar were declared: revision of basic laws, higher state administration, leadership of foreign policy, supreme command of the armed forces, declaration of war and peace, declaration of a state of exception and martial law, the right to mint coins, appointment and dismissal of ministers, pardon of convicts and general amnesty. But the imperial family was not subject to civil and criminal law.

BY GOD'S GRACE,
WE, NICHOLAY THE SECOND,
EMPEROR AND AUTOCRATIC ALL-RUSSIAN,
KING OF POLISH, GRAND DUKE OF FINNISH
AND ETC., AND ETC., AND ETC.

We declare everything to Our loyal subjects:

Unrest and unrest in the capitals and in many localities of the empire fill our hearts with our great and grave sorrow. Good Russian sovereign inextricably with the people's good, and the people's sorrow is their sorrow. The unrest that has now arisen may result in deep national disorder and a threat to the integrity and unity of our state.

The great vow of royal service commands us with all the forces of our reason and power to strive for a speedy end to the unrest that is so dangerous for the state. Having ordered the subject authorities to take measures to eliminate direct manifestations of disorder, outrages and violence, to protect peaceful people striving for the calm fulfillment of everyone’s duty, we, for the most successful implementation of our general plans for pacification state life measures, recognized the need to unite the activities of the highest government.

We entrust the government with the responsibility of fulfilling our unyielding will:

1. Grant the population the unshakable foundations of civil freedom on the basis of actual personal inviolability, freedom of conscience, speech, assembly and association.

2. Without stopping the scheduled elections to the State Duma, now attract to participation in the Duma, to the extent possible, corresponding to the shortness of the period remaining before the convocation of the Duma, those classes of the population that are now completely deprived of voting rights, thereby granting further development the beginning of general suffrage and the newly established legislative order.

3. Establish as an unshakable rule that no law can take effect without the approval of the State Duma and that those elected by the people are provided with the opportunity to truly participate in monitoring the regularity of the actions of the authorities decreed by us.

We call on all the faithful sons of Russia to remember their duty to their Motherland, to help put an end to this unheard-of unrest and, together with us, to strain all their strength to restore silence and peace in their native land.

Given in Peterhof, on the 17th day of October, in the year of Christ one thousand nine hundred and five, the eleventh of our reign.

On the original His Imperial Majesty's Own hand is signed:

"NICHOLAY".

Witenberg B. Political experience Russian parliamentarism (1906-1917): Historical sketch // New magazine. 1996. No. 1. P. 166-192

Leiberov I.P., Margolis Yu.D., Yurkovsky N.K. Traditions of democracy and liberalism in Russia // Questions of history. 1996. No. 2. P. 3-14

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Orlova N.V. Political parties Russia: pages of history. M., 1994

Political history Russia in parties and persons. M., 1993

On what basis did the Manifesto grant the population “the unshakable foundations of civil freedom”?

What exclusive right did the State Duma receive in the field of passing laws?

Why did the emperor decide to publish the Manifesto?

What legal acts were adopted based on the Manifesto?

Or the Manifesto of October 17, 1905, which was developed by the government and signed by Emperor Nicholas II, is still controversial.

Why was the Manifesto created?

The beginning of the twentieth century was turbulent and unpredictable due to serious changes in the state and society. The country's economy lost its free labor. On the other hand, the unskilled labor of serfs would not allow a quick transition to industrial production and market economy. The economy was collapsing before our eyes. From a prosperous state under the very weak leadership of Emperor Nicholas II, Russia became dependent on external debt, a starving country. People took to the streets. Small riots gained momentum and gradually became like real revolutionary uprisings. became the impetus for mass protests, which opposition activists began to control and prepare. For the first time, during the October speeches, calls began to be made for the overthrow of the autocratic power of the emperor. Decisive action by the authorities was required. Under such conditions, the Manifesto of October 17, 1905 was developed.

Reaction of the tsar and government to mass protests

More than two million people went on strike in October, during the peak of popular armed uprisings. At first, forceful methods were used against the revolutionaries, then a wave of tsarist mutually exclusive decrees swept through, which further angered the masses. The people were then even more powerless than under serfdom, and deprived of any opportunity to express their wishes and be heard. Back in May 1905, there was an attempt to limit the power of the emperor and share his powers with the Duma. The king did not sign this document. Under pressure from revolutionary events, both Nicholas II and the Witte government had to return to this document. The emperor and the government decided to stop the pogroms, bloodshed, and mass protests with the help of the Manifesto, which was compiled by Witte S.Yu. and signed by Nicholas II.

The significance of the manifesto of October 17, 1905 is enormous - it is to him that Russia owes the first significant change in the state structure, which the autocracy replaced

What did the historical document say?

The document, known in history as the “Manifesto on the Improvement of State Order,” signed on October 17, 1905 by Russian autocrat Nicholas II, was supposed to bring positive changes to the state. The Manifesto of October 17, 1905 granted:

• Permission for speech, unions and meetings, which immediately gave rise to many political movements and protesting associations.
• Admission to elections for various segments of the population, regardless of class and financial status, which became the beginning of the development of a democratic society.
• Mandatory approval by the State Duma of various laws issued in the state. From that moment on, the Emperor ceased to be the sole ruler and legislator of Russia, since his power was controlled by the Duma.

However, the Manifesto of October 17, 1905, the content of which was progressive for the beginning of the twentieth century, did not radically change the situation in the country.

Final innovations of the October legislative act

It was the Manifesto of October 17, 1905 that was able to temporarily suspend the revolutionary movement, but Russian society it soon became clear that this was a bone thrown by a hungry man. There were no actual changes. They were only on paper. The emergence of a modern legislative body, which was supposed to be interested in the opinion of the people, the reduction of the role of the emperor in lawmaking and certain freedoms made it possible to organize a huge number of opposition movements and parties.

But the lack of coordination of actions and party priorities, a multitude of ideological calls for various supposed directions in overcoming the economic crisis continued to drag the country down. Nicholas II reserved the right to dissolve the Duma, therefore the Manifesto proclaimed on October 17, 1905 and its ideas were not received necessary development, but only made the situation even more unmanageable.

Historical consequences

Thanks to the surviving correspondence of Nicholas II and the diaries of eyewitnesses, many events became known to us. After the Manifesto was signed on October 17, 1905, S.Yu. Witte showed inaction; the government was unable to normalize the situation in the country. A situation of the usual struggle for a place in the sun was created. The speeches were striking in their eloquence, but did not contain a solution to the crisis. But the main thing is that no one wanted to take over full responsibility for further actions to govern the country, legislative changes and effective economic reforms. The principle of criticizing the emperor’s actions on the sidelines and at balls without fundamentally solving the problem has become familiar. No one possessed the leadership qualities that would have made it possible to end the crisis. The centuries-old traditions of autocracy did not create at that stage a personality capable of replacing the emperor, at least partially.

Actions of the government and S.Yu. Witte

Witte, who had to give orders for the execution of demonstrators instead of proclaiming democratic reforms, wanted the blood of all revolutionaries, and instead of introducing positive suggestions in favor of the state he turned into an executioner. But no matter what the Manifesto of October 17, 1905 is called, this document became a turning point in the history of the state structure and centuries-old traditions of Russia. The actions of the emperor are difficult to evaluate unambiguously.

The manifesto of October 17, 1905 played significant role in history as the only way restore stability in the state and provide the lower class with minimal civil rights.

Throughout 1905, the government was unable to take the initiative into its own hands and was dragged behind events, although the police managed to carry out successful operations to suppress the preparation of “revolutionary parties” for an uprising. It was more difficult to cope with the strike movement. The “revolutionary” parties skillfully carried out anti-state agitation and had an agreement on joint actions against the government. The question arose about convening a broader representative parliament, but first it was necessary to provide political rights to the population of Russia.

Meanwhile, events intensified. In October, a political strike began in large cities, in which, along with workers, representatives of the technical intelligentsia also participated. On October 8, 1905, traffic on the Moscow Railway ceased; by October 17, a significant part of the roads was paralyzed. Factories closed, newspapers were not published, and there was almost no electricity in large cities. Nicholas I rejected the proposal for emergency measures and the appointment of a “dictator”.

Seeing the severity of the situation, Nikolai turned for help to Vitta, who recently managed to sign an agreement with Japan on more or less acceptable terms. On October 9, Witte presented the sovereign with a memorandum outlining the current state of affairs and the reform program. Stating that since the beginning of the year “a true revolution has taken place in the minds,” Witte considered the decrees of August 6 outdated, and since “the revolutionary ferment is too great,” he came to the conclusion that urgent measures must be taken “before “No, it’s too late.” He advised the tsar: it was necessary to put a limit on the arbitrariness and despotism of the administration, grant the people basic freedoms and establish a real constitutional regime.

After hesitating for a week, Nikolai decided to sign the text prepared by Witte on the basis of the memorandum. But at the same time, the king believed that he was violating the oath given at the time of his accession to the throne. On October 17, 1905, a manifesto was published, which formally meant the end of the existence of an unlimited monarchy in Russia.

• 1) grant the population the unshakable foundations of civil freedom on the basis of personal inviolability, freedom, conscience, speech, meetings and unions;
• 2) without stopping the scheduled elections to the State Duma, now attract to participation in the Duma... those classes of the population that are now completely deprived of voting rights, thereby leaving further development to the newly established legislative order, and the beginning of the development of general electoral law, and
• 3) establish as an unshakable rule that no law can take effect without the approval of the State Duma and that those elected by the people are provided with the opportunity to truly participate in monitoring the regularity of the actions of the authorities appointed by us.”

The “United Government” formed the Council of the Ministry, of which Witte was appointed chairman (i.e. the first Russian prime minister).

The manifesto established political rights for Russian citizens: personal integrity, freedom of conscience, freedom of speech, freedom of assembly and unions (trade unions and parties). Segments of the population previously deprived of voting rights were involved in parliamentary elections. According to the Manifesto, the State Duma changed its significance and acquired the features of a developed parliament; it was proclaimed that the law could not be in force without the approval of the State Duma. Thus, Russia has embarked on the path of fairly mature parliamentarism.

The appearance of the Manifesto on October 17 caused confusion among local authorities and did not bring immediate calm. If moderate liberal circles were ready to accept the situation created by the manifesto as the fulfillment of their desires for the constitutional transformation of Russia, then left circles, Social Democrats and Socialist Revolutionaries, were not in the least satisfied and decided to continue the struggle to achieve their program goals ( “they did not want the whip wrapped in the parchment of the constitution”); on the other hand, right-wing circles rejected the concessions to the revolution contained in the Manifesto of October 17 and demanded the preservation of unlimited tsarist autocracy.

Soon after the manifesto appeared, the railway strike ended, but the “turmoil and unrest” not only did not stop, but spread throughout the country: either revolutionary or counter-revolutionary demonstrations took place in cities, and in many cities counter-revolutionary crowds of “Black Hundreds” smashed intellectuals and Jews ; A wave of agrarian pogroms broke out in the villages - crowds of peasants smashed and burned landowners' estates.

On November 3, a manifesto was issued, appealing to the peasants to stop the unrest, promising to take possible measures to improve the situation of the peasants and abolishing redemption payments for peasant allotments.

“On the improvement of state order” - the manifesto of Nicholas II, prepared by S. Yu. Witte and published during the October All-Russian political strike of 1905. Oct. The strike thwarted the plans of the reaction to establish a military force in the country. dictatorship, caused confusion in governments. circles. The army hesitated; The government did not have reliable troops at its disposal to suppress the revolution. In this situation, the direction headed by the previous one won in the ruling spheres. The committee of ministers of Witte, who considered the constitution. unity concessions a means to preserve autocracy, split the forces of the revolution, gain time, and win over the liberal bourgeoisie to the side of the government. Witte, who had just concluded peace with Japan, also managed to convince the tsar that only the establishment of “internal peace” and an alliance with the liberal bourgeoisie could provide the finances desperately needed for tsarism. and political support for international capital.

The content of the manifesto boiled down to a promise to “grant” to the people “the unshakable foundations of civil freedom”; inviolability of the person, freedom of conscience, speech, assembly and association; attract (“to the extent possible”) to the elections to the State Duma those sections of the population that were deprived of electorate. rights under the regulations on elections to the Bulygin Duma (chief education workers, city intelligentsia); recognize the Duma legislator. a body without whose approval no law can come into force. Liberals greeted the manifesto with jubilation. However, Witte, who headed the transformed October. 1905 Council of Ministers, failed to form coalitions. pr-va. In an effort to maintain influence on the masses, the leaders of the liberal bourgeoisie refused to enter the government, in which the post of min. internal The affairs were occupied by the Black Hundreds P.N. Durnovo.

Considering the concessions of tsarism as the first victory of the revolution, which “... still does not decide the fate of the entire cause of freedom” (V.I. Lenin, Soch., vol. 9, p. 396), the Bolsheviks exposed the falsity of the tsar’s promises and warned , that M. 17 Oct. - maneuver of the government, and called on the masses to launch a struggle to overthrow the autocracy. The falsity of the “constitution” was revealed immediately after the publication of the manifesto. With the direct assistance of the authorities, Black Hundred pogroms, murders of revolutionaries, and anti-Semitic protests began in the country. But the government was not yet able to deal with the revolution. During the period of a temporarily established balance of forces between the revolution and the counter-revolution, the working class, at the call of the Bolsheviks, carried out the freedoms declared in the manifesto. Having suppressed in Dec. 1905 armed. uprising, the government violated its “constitutions” in the most rude manner. promises, significantly limited the rights of the Duma (Manifesto of February 20, 1906, rules March 8, 1906, new edition Basic state laws; For an overview of these acts, see the article State Duma). But it could not completely deprive the people of their conquests. The revolution forced tsarism to actually implement the rights of the working class to legal professional organizations; for the first time legal work seal, revolutionary the proletariat received the opportunity to use the State platform. Duma to expose the autocracy.

Publ.: 3 PSZ, vol. 25, dep. 1, No. 26803; State Duma in Russia, Sat. documents and materials, M., 1957, p. 90-91; "KA", 1925, t. 4-5 (11-12), p. 39-106.

Lit.: Lenin V.I., Soch., 4th ed., vol. 9, p. 382-83, 396-403, 424-32; Witte S. Yu., Memoirs, vol. 3, M., 1960.

M. S. Simonova. Moscow.

Soviet historical encyclopedia. - M.: Soviet Encyclopedia. Ed. E. M. Zhukova. 1973-1982 .

See what "MANIFESTO OF OCTOBER 17, 1905" is in other dictionaries:

- (On the improvement of state order), signed by Nicholas II at the time of the rise of the October All-Russian political strike. He proclaimed civil liberties and the creation of the State Duma. Compiled by S.Yu. Witte... Modern encyclopedia

- (On improving public order), legislative act. He proclaimed civil liberties and the creation of popular representation in the form of the State Duma. Developed with the participation of Count S. Yu. Witte, published at the time of the highest... ... Russian history

- (“On the Improvement of State Order”) signed by Nicholas II at the time of the highest rise of the October All-Russian political strike. He proclaimed civil liberties and the creation of the State Duma. Political Science: Dictionary... ... Political science. Dictionary.

Manifesto October 17, 1905- (“On the improvement of state order”), signed by Nicholas II at the time of the rise of the October All-Russian political strike. He proclaimed civil liberties and the creation of the State Duma. Compiled by S.Yu. Witte. ... Illustrated Encyclopedic Dictionary

MANIFESTO October 17, 1905- “On improvement of public order”, legislative act; proclaimed civil liberties and popular will in the form of the State Duma. “...The unrest that has now arisen may result in deep national unrest and a threat... ... Russian statehood in terms. 9th – early 20th century

- (“On the improvement of public order”), a legislative act signed by Russian Emperor Nicholas II at the time of the highest rise of the October All-Russian political strike. Proclaimed civil liberties, the creation of the People's... ... encyclopedic Dictionary

MANIFESTO OCTOBER 17, 1905- - an act issued by Nicholas II at the height of the October general political strike that swept Russia. The manifesto was published with the aim of splitting revolutionary movement and deceiving the masses with the promise of imaginary freedoms. The rapid growth of the first bourgeois... ... Soviet legal dictionary

- “On the Improvement of State Order,” the manifesto of Nicholas II, published during the October All-Russian Political Strike of 1905 (See October All-Russian Political Strike of 1905), when a temporary... ... Great Soviet Encyclopedia

MANIFESTO OF OCTOBER 17, 1905 (“On the improvement of state order”), signed by Nicholas II at the time of the highest rise of the October All-Russian political strike. Proclaimed civil liberties, the creation of the State Duma... encyclopedic Dictionary

This term has other meanings, see Manifesto (meanings). Vedomosti St. Petersburg. city ​​authorities. October 18, 1905 The Highest Manifesto On the improvement of the state ... Wikipedia

Books

• Manifesto of October 17, 1905 and the political movement that caused it, A.S. Alekseev. Manifesto of October 17, 1905 and the political movement that caused it / A. S. Alekseev V 118/592 U 336/178: Moscow: Type. G. Lissner and D. Sobko, 1915:A. S. Alekseev Reproduced in...