Charles de Gaulle (Gaulle) (1890-1970) - French politician and statesman, founder and first president (1959-1969) of the Fifth Republic. Founded in London in 1940 patriotic movement“Free France” (since 1942 “Fighting France”), which joined the anti-Hitler coalition; in 1941 he became the head of the French National Committee, in 1943 - the French Committee for National Liberation, created in Algeria. From 1944 to January 1946, de Gaulle was the head of the French Provisional Government. After the war, he was the founder and leader of the Rally of the French People party. In 1958, Prime Minister of France. On de Gaulle's initiative, a new constitution was prepared (1958), which expanded the rights of the president. During his presidency, France implemented plans to create its own nuclear forces and withdrew from the NATO military organization; Soviet-French cooperation received significant development.

Charles De Gaulle was born on November 22, 1890, in Lille, into an aristocratic family and was brought up in the spirit of patriotism and Catholicism. In 1912 he graduated military school Saint-Cyr, becoming a professional military man. He fought on the fields of the First World War 1914-1918 (World War I), was captured, and was released in 1918.

De Gaulle's worldview was influenced by such contemporaries as philosophers Henri Bergson and Emile Boutroux, writer Maurice Barrès, and poet and publicist Charles Péguy.

Even during the interwar period, Charles became a supporter of French nationalism and a supporter of a strong executive. This is confirmed by the books published by de Gaulle in the 1920-1930s - “Discord in the Land of the Enemy” (1924), “On the Edge of the Sword” (1932), “For a Professional Army” (1934), “France and Its Army” (1938). In these works devoted to military problems, de Gaulle was essentially the first in France to predict the decisive role tank troops in a future war.

The Second World War, at the beginning of which Charles de Gaulle received the rank of general, turned his whole life upside down. He decisively refused the truce concluded by Marshal Henri Philippe Pétain with Nazi Germany and flew to England to organize the struggle for the liberation of France. On June 18, 1940, de Gaulle spoke on London radio with an appeal to his compatriots, in which he urged them not to lay down their arms and to join the Free France association he founded in exile (after 1942, Fighting France).

At the first stage of the war, de Gaulle directed his main efforts towards establishing control over the French colonies, which were under the rule of the pro-fascist Vichy government. As a result, Chad, Congo, Ubangi-Chari, Gabon, Cameroon, and later other colonies joined the Free French. Free French officers and soldiers constantly took part in Allied military operations. De Gaulle sought to build relations with England, the USA and the USSR on the basis of equality and upholding the national interests of France. After the landing of Anglo-American troops in North Africa In June 1943, the French Committee for National Liberation (FCNL) was created in the city of Algiers. Charles De Gaulle was appointed its co-chairman (along with General Henri Giraud), and then its sole chairman.

In June 1944, the FCNO was renamed the Provisional Government of the French Republic. De Gaulle became its first head. Under his leadership, the government restored in France democratic freedoms, carried out socio-economic reforms. In January 1946, de Gaulle left the post of prime minister, disagreeing on major domestic political issues with representatives of the left parties of France.

That same year, the Fourth Republic was established in France. According to the 1946 Constitution, real power in the country belonged not to the president of the republic (as de Gaulle proposed), but to the National Assembly. In 1947, de Gaulle again became involved in political life France. He founded the Rally of the French People (RPF). The main goal of the RPF was to fight for the abolition of the 1946 Constitution and the conquest of power through parliamentary means to establish a new political regime in the spirit of de Gaulle’s ideas. The RPF was initially a great success. 1 million people joined its ranks. But the Gaullists failed to achieve their goal. In 1953, de Gaulle dissolved the RPF and withdrew from political activities. During this period, Gaullism finally took shape as an ideological and political movement (ideas of the state and “national greatness” of France, social policy).

The Algerian crisis of 1958 (Algeria's struggle for independence) paved the way for de Gaulle to power. Under his direct leadership, the 1958 Constitution was developed, which significantly expanded the prerogatives of the country's president (executive branch) at the expense of parliament. This is how the Fifth Republic, which still exists today, began its history. Charles de Gaulle was elected its first president for a seven-year term. The priority task of the president and government was to resolve the “Algerian problem.”

De Gaulle firmly pursued a course for self-determination in Algeria, despite serious opposition (rebellions of the French army and ultra-colonialists in 1960-1961, terrorist activities of the OAS, a number of assassination attempts on de Gaulle). Algeria was granted independence with the signing of the Evian Accords in April 1962. In October of the same year, the most important amendment to the 1958 Constitution was adopted in a general referendum - on the election of the president of the republic by universal suffrage. On its basis, in 1965, de Gaulle was re-elected president for a new seven-year term.

Charles de Gaulle sought to implement his foreign policy in line with his idea of ​​the “national greatness” of France. He insisted on equal rights for France, the United States and Great Britain within NATO. Having failed to achieve success, the president withdrew France from the NATO military organization in 1966. In relations with Germany, de Gaulle managed to achieve noticeable results. In 1963, a Franco-German cooperation agreement was signed. De Gaulle was one of the first to put forward the idea of ​​a “united Europe”. He thought of it as a “Europe of fatherlands,” in which each country would retain its political independence and national identity. De Gaulle was a supporter of the idea of ​​détente. He set his country on the path of cooperation with the USSR, China and third world countries.

Charles de Gaulle paid less attention to domestic policy than to foreign policy. The student unrest in May 1968 indicated a serious crisis engulfing French society. Soon the president put forward a draft for a new administrative division France and Senate reform. However, the project did not receive the approval of the majority of the French. In April 1969, de Gaulle voluntarily resigned, finally abandoning political activity.

In 1965, General Charles de Gaulle flew to the USA and at a meeting with American President Lyndon Johnson announced that he intends to exchange 1.5 billion paper dollars for gold at the official rate of $35 per ounce. Johnson was informed that a French ship loaded with dollars was in the New York port, and a French plane had landed at the airport with the same cargo on board. Johnson promised the French president serious problems. De Gaulle responded by announcing the evacuation of NATO headquarters, 29 NATO and US military bases from French territory and the withdrawal of 33 thousand alliance troops.

Ultimately, both were done.

Over the next 2 years, France managed to buy more than 3 thousand tons of gold from the United States in exchange for dollars.

What happened to those dollars and gold?

De Gaulle is said to have been very impressed by an anecdote told to him by the former Minister of Finance in the Clemenceau government. At an auction for a painting by Raphael, an Arab offers oil, a Russian offers gold, and an American takes out a wad of banknotes and buys it for 10 thousand dollars. In response to de Gaulle's perplexed question, the minister explains to him that the American bought the painting for only 3 dollars, because... The cost of printing one $100 bill is 3 cents. And de Gaulle unequivocally and definitively believed in gold and only gold. In 1965, de Gaulle decided that he did not need these pieces of paper.

De Gaulle's victory was Pyrrhic. He himself lost his post. And the dollar took the place of gold in the global monetary system. Just a dollar. Without any gold content.

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Biography

Charles de Gaulle(Gaulle) (November 22, 1890, Lille - November 9, 1970, Colombe-les-deux-Eglises), French politician and statesman, founder and first president of the Fifth Republic.

Origin. Formation of worldview.

De Gaulle born into an aristocratic family and raised in the spirit of patriotism and Catholicism. In 1912 he graduated from the Saint-Cyr military school, becoming a professional military man. He fought on the fields of the First World War 1914-1918, was captured, and was released in 1918. De Gaulle's worldview was influenced by such contemporaries as philosophers A. Bergson and E. Boutroux, writer M. Barres, poet S. Peguy. Even during the interwar period, he became a supporter of French nationalism and a supporter of a strong executive power. This is confirmed by books published de Gaullem in the 1920-30s - "Discord in the Land of the Enemy" (1924), "At the Edge of the Sword" (1932), "For a Professional Army" (1934), "France and Its Army" (1938). In these works devoted to military problems, de Gaulle was essentially the first in France to predict the decisive role of tank forces in a future war.

The Second World War.

The Second World War, at the beginning of which de Gaulle received the rank of general, turned his whole life upside down. He resolutely refused the truce concluded by the Marshal A. F. Pétain with Nazi Germany, and flew to England to organize the struggle for the liberation of France. June 18, 1940 de Gaulle He spoke on London radio with an appeal to his compatriots, in which he called on them not to lay down their arms and to join the Free France association he founded in exile (after 1942, Fighting France). At the first stage of the war, de Gaulle directed his main efforts towards establishing control over the French colonies, which were under the rule of the pro-fascist Vichy government. As a result, Chad, Congo, Ubangi-Shari, Gabon, Cameroon, and later other colonies joined the Free France. Free French officers and soldiers constantly took part in Allied military operations. De Gaulle sought to build relations with England, the USA and the USSR on the basis of equality and upholding the national interests of France. After the landing of Anglo-American troops in North Africa in June 1943, the French Committee for National Liberation (FCNL) was created in the city of Algiers. De Gaulle was appointed its co-chairman (along with General A. Giraud), and then as sole chairman. In June 1944, the FCNO was renamed the Provisional Government of the French Republic. De Gaulle became its first head. Under his leadership, the government restored democratic freedoms in France and carried out socio-economic reforms. In January 1946, de Gaulle left the post of prime minister, disagreeing on major domestic political issues with representatives of the left parties of France.

During the Fourth Republic.

That same year, the Fourth Republic was established in France. According to the 1946 Constitution, real power in the country belonged not to the president of the republic (as de Gaulle proposed), but to the National Assembly. In 1947, de Gaulle again became involved in the political life of France. He founded the Rally of the French People (RPF). The main goal of the RPF was the fight for the abolition of the 1946 Constitution and the conquest of power through parliamentary means to establish a new political regime in the spirit of ideas de Gaulle. The RPF was initially a great success. 1 million people joined its ranks. But the Gaullists failed to achieve their goal. In 1953, de Gaulle dissolved the RPF and withdrew from political activities. During this period, Gaullism finally took shape as an ideological and political movement (ideas of the state and “national greatness” of France, social policy).

Fifth Republic.

The Algerian crisis of 1958 (Algeria's struggle for independence) paved the way for de Gaulle to power. Under his direct leadership, the 1958 Constitution was developed, which significantly expanded the prerogatives of the country's president (executive branch) at the expense of parliament. This is how the Fifth Republic, which still exists today, began its history. De Gaulle was elected its first president for a seven-year term. The priority task of the president and government was to resolve the “Algerian problem.” De Gaulle firmly pursued a course towards self-determination of Algeria, despite the most serious opposition (rebellions of the French army and ultra-colonialists in 1960-1961, terrorist activities of the OAS, a number of assassination attempts de Gaulle). Algeria was granted independence with the signing of the Evian Accords in April 1962. In October of the same year, the most important amendment to the 1958 Constitution was adopted in a general referendum - on the election of the president of the republic by universal suffrage. On its basis, in 1965, de Gaulle was re-elected president for a new seven-year term. De Gaulle sought to pursue foreign policy in line with his idea of ​​the “national greatness” of France. He insisted on equal rights for France, the United States and Great Britain within NATO. Unable to achieve success, the president withdrew France from the NATO military organization in 1966. In relations with Germany, de Gaulle managed to achieve noticeable results. In 1963, a Franco-German cooperation agreement was signed. De Gaulle one of the first to put forward the idea of ​​a “united Europe”. He thought of it as a “Europe of fatherlands,” in which each country would retain its political independence and national identity. De Gaulle was a supporter of the idea of ​​détente. He set his country on the path of cooperation with the USSR, China and third world countries. De Gaulle paid less attention to domestic policy than to foreign policy. The student unrest in May 1968 indicated a serious crisis engulfing French society. Soon the president put forward a project on a new administrative division of France and Senate reform to a general referendum. However, the project did not receive the approval of the majority of the French. In April 1969 de Gaulle voluntarily resigned, finally abandoning political activity.

Awards

Grand Master of the Legion of Honor (as President of France) Grand Cross of the Order of Merit (France) Grand Master of the Order of Liberation (as founder of the order) Military Cross 1939-1945 (France) Order of the Elephant (Denmark) Order of the Seraphim (Sweden) Grand Cross of the Royal Victorian Order (Great Britain) Grand Cross decorated with the ribbon of the Order of Merit of the Italian Republic Grand Cross of the Order of Military Merit (Poland) Grand Cross of the Order of St. Olaf (Norway) Order of the Royal House of Chakri (Thailand) Grand Cross of the Order of the White Rose of Finland

Charles André Joseph Marie de Gaulle was a French general and politician, known primarily as a tank battle tactician before World War II. Leader of the Free French Forces in World War II, head of the provisional government in 1944-46. Inspirer of the new constitution and first president of the Fifth Republic from 1958 to 1969.

Origin and beginning of military career

Charles was the third child of a morally conservative but socially progressive Catholic bourgeois family. His father came from an old aristocratic family from Normandy. The mother belonged to a family of wealthy entrepreneurs from the industrial region of Lille in French Flanders.

Young de Gaulle chose military career and studied for four years at the prestigious military school of Saint-Cyr. During World War I, Captain de Gaulle was seriously wounded at the Battle of Verdun in March 1916 and captured by the Germans.

After the end of the war, he remained in the army, where he served on the staff of General Maxime Weygand and then General Philippe Pétain. During the Polish-Soviet war of 1919-1920. de Gaulle served in Polish Army infantry instructor. He was promoted to major and received an offer to build future career in Poland, but chose to return to France.

The Second World War

By the outbreak of World War II, de Gaulle remained a colonel, arousing hostility from the military authorities with his bold views. Following the German breakthrough at Sedan on 10 May 1940, he was finally given command of the 4th Armored Division.
On May 28, de Gaulle's tanks stopped German armor in the battle of Caumont. The colonel became the only French commander to force the Germans to retreat during the invasion of France. Prime Minister Paul Reynaud promoted him to acting brigadier general.

On June 6, 1940, Reynaud appointed de Gaulle Under Secretary of State for National Defense and responsible for coordination with Great Britain. As a member of the cabinet, the general resisted proposals to surrender. Attempts to strengthen the resolve of those in the French government who favored continuing the war failed, and Reynaud resigned. Pétain, who became prime minister, intended to seek an armistice with Germany.

On the morning of June 17, with 100 thousand gold francs from secret funds provided to him the night before by Paul Reynaud, the general fled Bordeaux by plane and landed in London. De Gaulle decided to abandon the surrender of France and begin to create a Resistance movement.

On July 4, 1940, a military tribunal in Toulouse sentenced de Gaulle in absentia to four years in prison. At the second military tribunal on August 2, 1940, the general was sentenced to death penalty for treason.

At the Liberation of France, he quickly established the authority of the Free French Forces, avoiding the Allied military government. Returning to Paris, the general proclaimed the continuity of the Third Republic, denying the legitimacy of Vichy France.

After the end of the war, de Gaulle became president of the provisional government from September 1944, but resigned on 20 January 1946, complaining about the conflict between political parties and disapproving of the draft constitution of the Fourth Republic, which seemed to place too much power in the hands of parliament with its shifting party alliances.

1958: Collapse of the Fourth Republic

The Fourth Republic was marred by political instability, failures in Indochina and the inability to resolve the Algerian question.
On May 13, 1958, settlers took over government buildings in Algeria. Commander-in-Chief General Raoul Salan announced on the radio that the army had temporarily assumed responsibility for the fate of French Algeria.

The crisis deepened as French paratroopers from Algeria captured Corsica and discussed landing troops near Paris. Political leaders of all parties agreed to support de Gaulle's return to power. The exception was communist party Francois Mitterrand, who condemned the general as an agent of a fascist coup.

De Gaulle still intended to change the constitution of the Fourth Republic, blaming it on France's political weakness. The general made the condition of his return the provision of broad emergency powers within 6 months and the adoption of a new constitution. On June 1, 1958, de Gaulle became prime minister.

On September 28, 1958, a referendum was held, and 79.2% of voters supported the new constitution and the creation of the Fifth Republic. The colonies (Algeria was officially part of France, not a colony) were given a choice between independence and a new constitution. All colonies voted for the new constitution, with the exception of Guinea, which became the first French African colony to gain independence, at the cost of immediately cutting off all French aid.

1958-1962: Foundation of the Fifth Republic

In November 1958, de Gaulle and his supporters gained a majority, and in December the general was elected president with 78% of the vote. He promoted tough economic measures, including the issuance of a new franc. On August 22, 1962, the general and his wife narrowly escaped an assassination attempt.

Internationally, he maneuvered between the United States and the USSR, promoting an independent France with its own nuclear weapons. De Gaulle began to build Franco-German cooperation, as cornerstone EEC, making the first state visit to Germany by a French head of state since Napoleon.

1962-1968: politics of greatness

In the context of the Algerian conflict, de Gaulle was able to achieve two main goals: to reform the French economy, and to maintain a strong French position in foreign policy, the so-called “policy of grandeur.”

The government actively intervened in the economy, using five-year plans as its main tool. Thanks to the unique combination of Western capitalism and state-oriented economics, major projects were implemented. In 1964, for the first time in 200 years, France's GDP per capita overtook that of Great Britain.

De Gaulle was convinced that a strong France, acting as a balancing force in the dangerous rivalry between the United States and Soviet Union, was in the interests of the whole world. He always tried to find counterbalances to both the USA and the USSR. In January 1964, France officially recognized the PRC, despite US opposition.

In December 1965, de Gaulle was elected president for a second seven-year term, defeating François Mitterrand. In February 1966, the country left the NATO military structure. De Gaulle, while building independent nuclear forces, did not want to depend on decisions made in Washington.

In June 1967, he condemned the Israelis for their occupation of the West Bank and Gaza after the Six-Day War. This was a major change in French policy towards Israel.

1968: leaving power

The demonstrations and strikes of May 1968 were a big problem for de Gaulle's presidency. He dissolved parliament, in which the government had almost lost its majority, and held new elections in June 1968, which were a great success for the Gaullists and their allies: the party won 358 of 487 seats.

Charles de Gaulle resigned on April 28, 1969 after the failure of the referendum he initiated. He went to Colombey-les-deux-Eglises, where he died in 1970 while working on his memoirs.

Over the eighty years of his life, this man managed to become greatest hero France after Joan of Arc. He managed to lead the country twice, both times taking leadership at the peak of a national catastrophe and leaving the state in a state of economic recovery and growth in international prestige.

Charles André Joseph Marie de Gaulle was born in Lille on November 22, 1890 and died in Colombey-les-Deux-Eglises on November 9, 1970. Over the eighty years of his life, this man managed to become the greatest hero of France after Joan of Arc. He managed to lead the country twice, both times taking leadership at the peak of a national catastrophe and leaving the state in a state of economic recovery and growing international prestige. At the same time, he wrote more than a dozen books - memoirs and theoretical works on the art of war, some of which remain bestsellers to this day.

Being himself, admittedly, an extremely authoritarian person, de Gaulle, having, in fact, sovereign powers, twice voluntarily renounced his power and resigned. Moreover, this man, feared by his allies as a potential new dictator of the Hitlerite type, left to his descendants one of the most stable political systems among European democracies, called the Fifth Republic, under whose constitution France lives today.

Mysterious, mystical hero de Gaulle - the savior of France, the unifier of the French people, the liberator of Algeria and other colonies of the empire - remains to this day one of the most controversial figures in modern history Europe. His techniques were used more than once by many figures in the political scene; his life, attitude towards himself, towards duty, aspirations and beliefs became a model for many generations.

An aura of mystery has surrounded de Gaulle since his voice was first heard on British radio in 1940 in Nazi-occupied France, and for many French people for several years de Gaulle remained just a voice - the voice of freedom, uttering twice a day five-minute speeches, remained the name of hope that members of the Resistance movement conveyed to each other. De Gaulle himself used this mystery more than once to achieve certain political goals. However, in practice, Charles de Gaulle was not such a mysterious person at all. Ambiguous - yes. But all the general’s “secrets” are hidden in his biography. After all, first of all, the figure of the great general was a product of the extraordinary circumstances in which all of France found itself. And one of her soldiers in particular.

Complex of Joan of Arc

Charles de Gaulle was born into a wealthy family; his parents were right-wing Catholics. His father, Henri de Gaulle, was a teacher of philosophy and history at the Jesuit College on the Rue Vaugirard. Charles received a religious education, read a lot, showed great interest in literature from childhood, and even wrote poetry. Having won a school poetry competition, young de Gaulle chose the latter of two possible prizes - a cash prize or publication. De Gaulle was keen on history, especially since the de Gaulle family was proud not only of its noble origins and deep roots, but also of the exploits of its ancestors: according to family legend, one of the de Gaulle family, Zhegan, participated in the campaign of Joan of Arc. Little de Gaulle listened his father's stories about the glorious past of his family with sparkling eyes. Many, for example, Winston Churchill, later laughed at de Gaulle, saying that he suffered from a “Joan of Arc complex.” But the future general dreamed of the most revered French saint as a child; in his dream, he fought side by side with her for the salvation of France.

Even as a child, de Gaulle's character showed obsessive persistence and the ability to control people. So, he taught himself and forced his brothers and sister to learn a coded language in which words were read backwards. It must be said that this is much more difficult to achieve for French spelling than for Russian, English or German, and yet Charles could speak such a language in long phrases without hesitation. He constantly trained his memory, the phenomenal qualities of which amazed those around him later, when he delivered speeches of 30-40 pages by heart, without changing a single word compared to the text he had jotted down the day before.

From his youth, de Gaulle had an interest in four disciplines: literature, history, philosophy and the art of war. The philosopher who had the greatest influence on him was Henri Bergson, from whose teaching the young man could draw two the most important moments, which determined not only it general worldview, but also practical actions in Everyday life. The first is that Bergson considered the natural division of people into a privileged class and an oppressed people, on which he based the advantages of dictatorship over democracy. The second is the philosophy of intuitionism, according to which human activity was a combination of instinct and reason. The principle of acting on a whim after precise calculation was used by de Gaulle many times when making the most important decisions that led him to the heights, as well as those that overthrew him from them.

Family environment and hobbies shaped de Gaulle’s attitude towards his homeland, its history, and his mission. However, the desire for military affairs forced de Gaulle to put into practice the fulfillment of that duty to his homeland, which for many generations of de Gaulle philosophers and teachers remained a pure theorem. In 1909, Charles went to the Military Academy in Saint-Cyr.

It is widely believed that military service deprives a person of the ability to think independently, teaches him only to follow orders that are not subject to discussion, prepares martinets. There is hardly a more obvious refutation of such nonsense than the example of Charles de Gaulle. Every day of service was not wasted for him. Without ceasing to read and educate himself, he carefully observed the life of the French army, noticing all the shortcomings in its structure. Being a diligent cadet, without violating the regulations in any way, he remained a strict judge of what he saw. Fellow students at the academy considered de Gaulle arrogant. Due to his height and character, he was dubbed “long asparagus.” The same growth, it seems, played a significant role in his self-awareness. And that’s to say: every day in formation, when the corporal shouted “Be equal!”, he was the only one who did not turn his head - everyone was equal to him.

In 1913, with the rank junior lieutenant He enlisted in an infantry regiment under the command of then-Colonel Philippe Pétain (who was destined to raise de Gaulle to commanding heights, only to later, in 1945, be pardoned by his former protégé and thereby avoid the death penalty). At the very beginning of the war, Charles was wounded twice, after which he was captured, where he remained until the truce was concluded and from where he tried to escape five times - each time unsuccessfully.

After the war, de Gaulle participated in the intervention in Soviet Russia as an instructor officer in the Polish forces. After that, he served in the occupation forces in the Rhineland and participated in the operation of the French invasion of the Ruhr, an adventure from which he warned his superiors and which ended in a resounding failure - under pressure from Germany and the allies, France was forced to retreat, and its share in reparations payments were reduced. At this time, he wrote several books, among which it is worth highlighting “Discord in the Enemy’s Camp,” a commentary on the actions of the German army and government during the First World War, begun while in captivity. The actions of the German headquarters in this work were subject to sharp criticism. De Gaulle did not dwell on the objective reasons for Germany’s defeat, but gave an analysis from which it followed that the defeat was led, perhaps in the first place, by the internal and military policies of the German government and the General Staff. It must be said that at that time in France, paradoxically, the organization of the Wehrmacht military machine was considered a model. De Gaulle pointed out significant miscalculations of the Germans.

The book was subsequently appreciated for its many fresh ideas. For example, de Gaulle argued that even during war, the military administration of the state must be subordinate to the civil one. Now this statement, which directly follows from the thesis that wars are won on the home front, seems quite obvious. In the 20s of the 20th century in France it was sedition. It was not useful for a career military man to express such judgments. De Gaulle, in his views on the structure of the army, on the tactics and strategy of war, was very different from the mass of the French military establishment. At that time, his former commander, the winner at Verdun, Marshal Pétain was an unquestioned authority in the army. In 1925, Pétain drew his attention to the fact that de Gaulle did not take a worthy place in the headquarters, and appointed him as his adjutant, instructing him to soon prepare a report on the system of defensive measures in France.

De Gaulle prepared this report, but it came as a surprise to the patron, since it was completely at odds with his own views. Where the marshal's protagonists relied on a line of fortified defense, based on the strategic and tactical lessons learned from the "positional" First World War, de Gaulle spoke about the need to create mobile tactical formations, proving the futility protective structures in conditions modern development technology, especially considering that the borders of France were completely unprotected by nature, passing for the most part across open plains. As a result, relations with Pétain were spoiled, and the headquarters headed for the notorious Maginot Line. The very first days new war proved de Gaulle right.

At the same time, de Gaulle first showed himself as a politician: despite the fact that he was unofficially in disgrace, he managed to continue implementing his initiatives and at the same time career. Firstly, he was the only career military man who allowed himself open performances in the press. This was by no means welcomed by the military authorities, but it noticeably increased his popularity in the country. Secondly, when faced with obstacles in the military environment, he immediately turned to politicians, and did not at all find it difficult to sacrifice his principles to achieve his goals. In 1934, he approached the far-right politician Paul Reynaud, who liked the army reform project proposed by de Gaulle. Reynaud tried to push the project through parliament, but was unsuccessful. Then in 1936, Captain de Gaulle with the same initiative went personally to the socialist leader Leon Blum. It is difficult for us now to imagine how much this step contradicted at that time the very essence of a person of such upbringing and habits as de Gaulle. Nevertheless, Leon Blum, although interested in the captain’s projects, practically did not resort to his capabilities in parliament to implement them.

Already at this stage, it is possible to identify at least two features of de Gaulle, which manifested themselves even more fully in his managerial practice: the desire to bypass small tactical defeats to victory in the main thing and the passion for innovation as an administrative tool. Persistence, energy, inflexibility of will, loyalty to convictions (however, dubious) - all these qualities have been repeatedly described and sung by historians. However, the most important components of de Gaulle's methodology, which are often overlooked, are undoubtedly the breadth of strategic intent and innovation. For him there was one scale - the scale of France.

De Gaulle's efforts were not in vain, but their effect was negligible: in general, the minor reorganization did not affect the state of the army. De Gaulle, after advancing through the headquarters career ladder achieved that, with the rank of colonel, he was appointed to command the only tank regiment, for the formation of which he so advocated. The regiment was short-staffed. The tanks were completely outdated. On September 1, 1939, Germany attacked Poland, and France and Great Britain declared war on Germany. In a matter of days, a significant part of French territory was occupied.

This affected de Gaulle's career. He was immediately promoted to brigadier general (he chose to retain this rank for the rest of his life) and led the hastily formed 4th Panzer Division. At the cost of incredible efforts, de Gaulle even managed to stop the enemy’s advance from the north and put some of its units to flight, but this could not affect the overall course of the war. In June 1940, in a situation where capitulation was almost inevitable, Paul Reynaud appointed him to a high position in the Ministry of Defense. But it was already too late. Despite de Gaulle's efforts to continue the struggle by France, the Reynaud government resigned, and Marshal Pétain, who took his place, signed a capitulation.

At a time when the British were negotiating with the French government, which was preparing to capitulate, about the fate of its colonies, de Gaulle first met Churchill. After the capitulation, de Gaulle flew to London, where he immediately created the Free France organization and demanded that he be given airtime on British radio, which broadcast in the occupied territory and in the possessions of the Vichy regime. On June 18, 1940, de Gaulle made his first address to the nation.

Quarrelsome Frenchman

The French say: "De Gaulle will remain in the history of France as a sacred figure, since he was the first to draw the sword." However, the situation in which de Gaulle found himself was not easy. According to historian Grosset, the Free French fought on three fronts: against German and Japanese enemies, against Vichy, whose spirit of capitulation it exposed, and against the Anglo-Americans. Sometimes it was unclear who the main enemy was."

Churchill hoped, by sheltering the fugitive general, to get into his hands a person with whose help he could influence the policy of internal resistance and the free colonies, but this was a cruel delusion. With amazing speed, de Gaulle, practically from scratch, created a centralized organization, completely independent of the allies and anyone else, with its own information headquarters and armed forces. Around him he gathered people practically unknown to him before. Moreover, everyone who signed the Act of Accession, which meant joining the Free France, necessarily signed an obligation to unconditionally obey de Gaulle.

“I believed,” de Gaulle wrote in his “War Memoirs,” that the honor, unity and independence of France would be lost forever if in this world war France alone capitulated and reconciled with such an outcome. For in this case, no matter how the war ended "Whether the conquered nation were liberated from invaders by foreign armies or remained enslaved, the contempt which it would inspire in other nations would long poison its soul and the lives of many generations of Frenchmen." He was convinced: “Before philosophizing, you need to win the right to life, that is, win.”

From 1940 to 1942, the number of soldiers alone fighting under the banner of Free (later Fighting) France grew from 7 to 70 thousand. The Americans had already printed the occupation currency and expected to transfer power to the Supreme Allied Commander in Europe, General Eisenhower, but in the end the political and military struggle By the time of D-Day, as the Allies called the day of the Normandy landings on June 7, 1944, de Gaulle had achieved international recognition of his National Liberation Committee as the provisional government of France. Moreover, thanks to the efforts of this man, France, formally under the leadership of the Vichy government in an alliance with Nazi Germany, practically “occupied” by the Allies, received the right to its own occupation zone in Germany as a victorious country, and a little later, a seat in the UN Security Council. Without exaggeration, such successes can be called phenomenal, considering that at the beginning of this struggle he was just a deserter of the French army, warmed by Britain, whom a military tribunal in his homeland sentenced to death for treason.

To what did Brigadier General de Gaulle owe such successes? Firstly, the idea of ​​​​creating “Free France” and daily broadcasting in the occupied territory. Emissaries of the Free French traveled to all the free French colonies and countries of the current “third world”, trying to achieve recognition of de Gaulle as a representative of the “free French”. And, it must be said, the methodical work of de Gaulle’s secret agents eventually yielded results. Secondly, de Gaulle immediately established close contact with the Resistance, supplying it with with small funds that he had. Thirdly, from the very beginning he positioned himself as an equal in relation to the allies. Often de Gaulle's arrogance infuriated Churchill. Everything went well if their positions agreed, but if disagreements arose, they began to argue. At the same time, de Gaulle accused Churchill of drinking too much and the whiskey went to his head. Churchill responded by stating that de Gaulle imagined himself as Joan of Arc. Once this almost ended in de Gaulle’s deportation from the island. However, stubbornness and arrogance, which gave de Gaulle’s figure authority in the eyes of his fellow citizens, helped him defend France’s rights to the former colonies and avoid literally their rejection.

Churchill and Roosevelt were extremely annoyed by the obstinate general. Roosevelt called him a “capricious bride” and irritably suggested that Churchill send de Gaulle “governor to Madagascar.” Churchill shared Roosevelt's dislike for the "arrogant Frenchman", calling him a "hidden fascist", "a quarrelsome individual who imagines himself the savior of France", saying that "the unbearable rudeness and impudence in this man's behavior are complemented by active Anglophobia." Secret British archives were recently opened, and it turned out that Churchill even sent an encrypted message from Washington to London: “I ask my colleagues to immediately answer whether we can, without delaying this question, eliminate de Gaulle as a political force... Personally I am ready to defend this position in parliament and can prove to everyone that the French Resistance movement, around which the legend of de Gaulle is created, and he himself - a vain and malicious man - have nothing in common... He hates England and sows this everywhere with him hatred... Therefore, based on our vital interests, which are to preserve good relations with the United States, it seems to me unacceptable to allow this quarrelsome and hostile person to continue to do evil." Further, Churchill justifies his attitude towards de Gaulle (it should be noted that it was Roosevelt who supplied Churchill with compromising evidence on de Gaulle - information from the American intelligence services): dictatorial manners, hidden fascist tendencies in actions and plans, the desire to come to an agreement with Moscow behind the backs of the allies and to “settle things with Germany” in a separate way." Allegedly, de Gaulle was especially favored by the USSR, and Stalin had already twice suggested that he move his residence from London to Moscow. However, the game Roosevelt, who was pitting Churchill against de Gaulle, came across the position of the British Cabinet, which responded to its prime minister: “It is likely that de Gaulle as a person is actually very far from the idealized mythical figure that the French see before them. However, we must be aware that any propaganda efforts on our part against de Gaulle will not convince the French that their idol has feet of clay. Moreover, we risk allowing interference in the purely internal affairs of the French, which is completely unjustified from any point of view, and we will simply be accused of trying to turn France into an Anglo-American protectorate.”

The “Anglophobe with dictatorial habits” himself always emphasized his respect for Churchill. Only once did he misspoke in irritation. Offended that he was not invited to the conference of three leaders in Yalta, when asked which of them he would like to spend the weekend with, he replied: “Of course, with Roosevelt! Or, at least, with Stalin...” A little he later told Eisenhower: “Churchill thinks I take myself for Joan of Arc. But he is wrong. I take myself only for General de Gaulle."

When American and British troops occupied Algeria, they attempted to remove de Gaulle from power and form a government in exile led by General Giraud. De Gaulle acted quickly. Relying on the forces of the Resistance and, importantly, on Moscow, he immediately flew to Algeria, where he proposed organizing a Committee of National Liberation, co-chaired by Giraud and himself. Giraud agreed. Churchill and Roosevelt were forced to agree. Soon de Gaulle pushes Giraud into the background, and then removes him from leadership without any problems.

In general, de Gaulle constantly played on the contradictions of his allies. In particular, both the occupation zone and a seat in the Security Council went to France mainly thanks to the support of Stalin. De Gaulle, who sympathized with Stalin, convinced him that France would help establish a balance of power in the UN, which was leaning rather towards the Soviets.

After the provisional government under the leadership of de Gaulle came to power in France, he proclaimed the slogan in domestic policy: “Order, law, justice,” and in foreign policy - the greatness of France. De Gaulle's tasks included not only economic restoration, but also political restructuring of the country. De Gaulle achieved the first: he nationalized the largest enterprises, carried out social reforms, while simultaneously purposefully developing the most important industries. The second one turned out worse. From the very beginning, de Gaulle resorted to the political technique of “above the fray.” He did not openly support any of the parties, including the “Gaullists” - a movement of supporters of the general, believing that, being above the political struggle, he could win the sympathy of all voters. However, despite his high personal authority among the people, he was defeated in the main battle - the battle for a new constitution.

The “Gaullist” party, which was not personally supported by the general, did not receive a majority in the elections to the Constituent Assembly, called upon to develop a constitution. The Provisional Parliament, through compromises, developed the constitution of the Fourth Republic, which had a unicameral parliament that appointed the government and a president with limited power functions. De Gaulle waited until recently and finally proposed his own version of the constitution with a strong executive branch in the person of the president. He hoped to outplay the parliamentarians with massive propaganda and the effect of surprise. But the version of the constitution of the Fourth Republic proposed by parliament in a referendum attracted 52.5% “for” and 45.5% “against”. So de Gaulle himself became a victim of “supra-class arbitration,” as he called it. In the elections to the National Assembly, the "Gaullists" received only 3% of the votes. In January 1946, de Gaulle resigned and his political career took 12 years off.

Solitaire is patience

To say that at the age of 68 de Gaulle returned to politics from complete social oblivion is an exaggeration. Of course, while in retirement, he was involved in social activities. But the main thing was the waiting. De Gaulle lived in the family home in Colombey-les-Deux-Eglises with his wife: he wrote memoirs, gave interviews, and walked a lot. In 1947, he tried to organize a new political movement, using the old technique of uniting in a coalition “above parties and movements,” but the movement was not successful, and in 1953 he completely retired. De Gaulle loved to play solitaire. "Solitaire" means patience in French.

Many say that Colombe was Napoleonic Elba for de Gaulle. In this case, we can say that time in power is in progressive proportion to time in exile. Napoleon spent a year on Elba and was in power for 100 days. De Gaulle spent 12 years in Colombey. He remained in power from 1958 to 1969, after which he voluntarily resigned, having earned general respect.

In the 50s, France was torn apart by crises. In 1954, France suffered a brutal defeat in Indochina from national liberation movements. De Gaulle did not comment. Unrest began in Algeria and other countries of North Africa, where the bulk of the former or actual French colonies were located. Despite the economic growth, the population suffered severely from the devaluation of the franc and from inflation. Waves of strikes swept across the country. Governments replaced each other. De Gaulle was silent. By 1957, the situation had worsened: left- and right-wing extremist tendencies in society simultaneously intensified. The fascist military in Algeria, fighting against the rebels, threatened a coup. On May 13, 1958, such a coup almost happened. Newspapers began to write about the “need for responsibility.” In conditions of an acute government crisis, on May 16, the president turned to de Gaulle with a proposal to take over the post of prime minister with the approval of parliament. After this, in December 1958, de Gaulle himself was elected president with an unusually wide range of powers (for France at that time): he could, if emergency dissolve parliament and call new elections, and also personally supervised issues of defense, foreign policy and the most important domestic ministries. Interestingly, the text of the Russian constitution, approved by citizens in a referendum in 1993, largely coincides with the de Gaulle constitution, which, by all accounts, Russian reformers took as a model.

Despite the apparent speed and ease with which de Gaulle came to power for the second time, this event was preceded by the hard work of the general himself and his supporters. De Gaulle constantly conducted secret negotiations through intermediaries with political leaders of far-right parties, with parliamentarians, and organized a new “Gaullist” movement. Finally, choosing the moment when the threat civil war reached its climax, de Gaulle spoke on the radio on May 15, and in front of parliament on the 16th. The first of these speeches was full of fog: “Once, in a difficult hour, the country trusted me so that I would lead it to salvation. Today, when the country faces new trials, let it know that I am ready to assume all the powers of the Republic.” In the texts of both speeches not even the word “Algeria” appeared. If the first one was frightening, then the speech in parliament could even be called amiable. This was the “carrot and stick” method - for the people and for the socialist leaders, who had to approve his candidacy for the post of prime minister in parliament and then elect him as president.

Mystery, secrecy, brevity, emotionality - these were de Gaulle’s weapons this time too. He relied not on this or that political inclination, but on the psychology of subordinating the crowd to the mysterious charm of the leader. Politicians in the government and the presidential apparatus were replaced by economists, lawyers, and managers. “I am a lonely man,” de Gaulle told the people in front of the parliament building, “who does not mix himself with any party or organization. I am a man who does not belong to anyone and belongs to everyone.” This is the whole essence of the general’s tactics. Considering that at that time, in parallel with the ultra-right demonstrations, “Gaullist” rallies were taking place throughout Paris, directly calling on the government to resign in favor of the general, there was a fair amount of slyness in his words.

In the relationship between de Gaulle and the "Gaullists", as well as in de Gaulle himself in 1958, one can see similarities with Vladimir Putin and the Unity movement. However, such an analogy seems a stretch, given that both of them came to power with an urgent need in society for an immediate solution to colonial problems and with the growth of nationalist sentiments in society.

The new constitution, approved in a referendum by a majority of almost 80%, introduced a presidential system of government for the first time in French history. With the strengthening of executive power, parliament was limited in legislative rights. It was supposed to work 2 sessions a year: autumn (October-December) was devoted to budget consideration, spring (April-June) to legislative activity. The agenda was determined by the government. Voting was carried out on the budget as a whole; when discussing the project, deputies did not have the right to make amendments providing for a reduction in revenues or an increase in state expenses.

Parliament was “pushed back”: de Gaulle communicated directly with the people through referendums, which he could call independently.

Gold instead of dollars

De Gaulle's authority was quite high. Without looking away from resolving the domestic political crisis, he took up economics and foreign policy, where he achieved some success. He dealt not with problems, but with a problem: how to make France great power. One of the measures of a psychological nature was denomination: de Gaulle issued a new franc in denominations of 100 old ones. De Gaulle did not have a central bank. Money was multiplied through credit emission. A bunch of bankers fed on inflation. De Gaulle suggested that French banks should not exceed a 10 percent lending level. The franc became a hard currency for the first time in a long time.

At the end of 1960, the economy showed rapid growth, the fastest in all the post-war years. De Gaulle's foreign policy course was aimed at Europe gaining independence from two superpowers: the USSR and the USA. The European Common Market was being created, but de Gaulle blocked Britain's entry into it. Apparently, the wartime words of Churchill, uttered during one of the disputes about the status of France and its colonies - “Remember, whenever I have to choose between a free Europe and the seas, I will always choose the seas. Whenever I have to choose between Roosevelt and you, I will choose Roosevelt!" - sunk deep into de Gaulle’s soul, and now he refused to recognize the British islanders as Europeans.

In 1960, France successfully tested an atomic bomb in the Pacific Ocean. During these years, de Gaulle's administrative abilities did not appear in all their glory - the general needed a crisis to show the whole world what he was really capable of. He easily held a referendum on the issue of direct universal suffrage for the presidency, although he had to dissolve parliament to do so. In 1965, he was re-elected, although this time the voting took place in two rounds - a direct consequence of the new electoral system.

On February 4, he announced that his country would now switch to real gold in international payments. De Gaulle’s attitude towards the dollar as a “green piece of paper” was formed under the impression of an anecdote told to him long ago by the Minister of Finance in the Clemenceau government. "A Raphael painting is being sold at auction. The Arab offers oil, the Russian offers gold, and the American lays out a wad of hundred-dollar bills and buys Raphael for $10,000. As a result, the American got Raphael for three dollars, because the cost of paper for one hundred-dollar bill is three cents! ".

De Gaulle called the de-dollarization of France his “economic Austerlitz.” He stated: “We consider it necessary that international exchange should be established, as it was before the great misfortunes of the world, on an indisputable basis, not bearing the stamp of any particular country. On what basis? In truth, it is difficult to imagine that there could be some other standard other than gold. Yes, gold does not change its nature: it can be in bars, bars, coins; it has no nationality, it has long been accepted by the whole world as an unchanging value. There is no doubt that even today the value of any currency is determined on the basis of direct or indirect, real or perceived connections with gold.In international exchange the supreme law, Golden Rule(it is appropriate to say here), the rule that should be restored is the obligation to ensure the equilibrium of the balance of payments of the different currency zones through the actual receipts and expenditures of gold."

And he demanded from the United States, in accordance with the Bretton Woods Agreement, real gold: at 35 dollars per ounce, exchange 1.5 billion dollars. In case of refusal, de Gaulle’s forceful argument was the threat of France’s withdrawal from NATO, the liquidation of all 189 NATO bases on French territory and the withdrawal of 35 thousand NATO soldiers. The militant general suggested that other countries follow the example of France - turn dollar reserves into gold. The US capitulated. The general in power even acted in the economy using military methods. He said: “The commissariat will follow.”

It is impossible to edit with "but"

However, his “dirigisme” in the economy, which led to the crisis of 1967, and aggressive foreign policy- opposition to NATO and Great Britain, harsh criticism of the Vietnam War, support for Quebec separatists, sympathy for Arabs in the Middle East - undermined his position in the domestic political arena. During the “revolution” in May 1968, when Paris was blocked off with barricades and posters “05/13/58 - 05/13/68 - time to leave, Charles!” hung on the walls, de Gaulle was at a loss. He was rescued by the faithful Prime Minister Georges Pompidou, a supporter of a softer, recommendatory state policy in the economy, the unrest more or less subsided, new social reforms were carried out, but after that de Gaulle for some reason dismissed Pompidou. When the general’s next legislative initiatives were rejected by parliament, he could not stand it on April 28, 1969, ahead of schedule, voluntarily resigned from his post.

Summarizing the information that can be obtained from a brief analysis of the biography of Charles de Gaulle, we see several prerequisites that determined his career from his youth. First of all, an excellent education and a constant thirst for knowledge and intellectual self-improvement. De Gaulle himself once said: “The true school, which gives the ability to command, is a common culture.” As examples, he cited Alexander the Great, whose teacher was Aristotle, and Caesar, brought up on the works and speeches of Cicero. De Gaulle could have repeated: “To manage means to foresee, and to foresee means to know a lot.” Another prerequisite, of course, is determination, faith in one’s destiny, born in childhood. In Saint-Cyr, a classmate before graduation told him: “Charles, I feel that you are destined for great destiny"Another person in de Gaulle's place would naturally laugh it off, but he answered without a shadow of a smile: "Yes, I think so too." Most of the time, such people make up the clientele psychiatric clinics, but some of them succeed - they become de Gaulles.

De Gaulle earned the ironic nickname of “the king in exile” from his superior at the Military Academy for his dryness, manner of demeanor and “turning up his nose.” A later biographer, describing de Gaulle in Britain in the 1940s, used the same expression without any irony, rather with admiration. Of course, to be de Gaulle, you had to look like de Gaulle. Here is what Jacques Chastanet writes: “Very tall, thin, monumental build, with long nose over the small mustache, slightly receding chin, and imperious gaze, he seemed much younger than fifty. Dressed in a khaki uniform and a headdress of the same color, decorated with two brigadier general's stars, he always walked with long strides, usually holding his hands at his sides. He spoke slowly, sharply, sometimes with sarcasm. His memory was amazing. He simply reeked of the power of a monarch, and now, more than ever, he justified the epithet “king in exile.”

“Arrogant,” they said about de Gaulle. Here is what he himself wrote about this in the 30s: “A man of action cannot be imagined without a fair share of selfishness, arrogance, cruelty and cunning, but all this is forgiven him, and he somehow rises even more if he uses these qualities for doing great things." And later: “A true leader keeps others at a distance, since there is no power without prestige, and no prestige without distance.” It is characteristic that de Gaulle sympathized with Stalin. Although he understood that they had little in common in political and social beliefs, he believed that as leaders and as people they were similar to each other.

As for the qualities of de Gaulle as a leader and politician, to the extent that political activity is the art of managing people, here we can highlight five defining features, five properties of de Gaulle, which primarily allowed him to become one of the largest figures in France.

Firstly, de Gaulle was both phenomenally authoritarian as a leader and extremely independent as a subordinate. It is worth noting, however, that this authoritarianism strictly concerned action. De Gaulle the boss never asked - he ordered. Independence was entirely related to the area lying outside the military regulations. He carried out orders unquestioningly, everything that was outside them was at his own discretion. De Gaulle the guest did not ask the British government - he demanded and got his way.

Secondly, de Gaulle never became outdated. Both his rationalization proposals and his methods of political and military struggle were characterized by freshness and novelty. As already said, characteristic feature his method was an innovation. He remained faithful to this principle both when he turned from a promising officer into a freethinker and oppositionist, in order to soon occupy one of the leading posts in the headquarters and confirm that he was right, and when in 1968, a few days before his resignation, he tried to achieve the adoption of a new law on Senate, which radically changed the relationship between the central and municipal authorities in the Republic.

Thirdly, de Gaulle combined a long wait for the moment with swiftness of initiative, hidden tense, hard work to prepare any serious step with truly hussar pressure and the visible ease with which he was able to storm each new bastion, be it the organization of the National Liberation Committee, the triumph in Paris or the return to big politics in 1958. This lightness gave him a romantic, heroic aura with a mystical connotation, raised his already high authority, and instilled faith in his power.

Fourthly, de Gaulle was distinguished by his mystery and closedness, devoting few people to his plans, committing inexplicable, from the point of view of an outsider, actions, listening carefully to his comrades-in-arms, but never consulting and, finally, making exciting speeches, being able to say everything and nothing at the same time .

And finally, fifthly, de Gaulle always sought to remain above the situation, giving himself the status of a “supra-class arbiter”: on the one hand, he never openly took anyone’s side, allowing the situation to be resolved without his intervention, on the other hand, he sought support at the same time from everyone who could support him, and in general diligently cared about the prestige of a person rising above the vanity of this world. Even towards his allies, on whom he was completely dependent, he behaved not only as an equal, but sometimes even condescendingly. Their goal was to win the war, his was to elevate France to the pedestal of greatness. Ultimately, this method played a bad game with him twice: during the elections of 1946 and in 1968, when he himself did not find support from any of the political groups.

A lot can be said about de Gaulle's services to his fatherland, as well as about his mistakes. He, being a talented theorist of military art, did not conduct a single historically important battle, but managed to lead his country to victory where it was threatened with defeat from everywhere. Without being intimately familiar with the economy, he twice successfully ruled the country and twice brought it out of a deep crisis - I think solely thanks to his ability to competently organize the work of the structure entrusted to him, be it a rebel committee or the government of a multimillion-dollar state.

Charles de Gaulle quit smoking at age 63. He was very proud of both this fact and the method that helped him get rid of bad habit. General Guichard's personal secretary decided to follow his patron's example and asked him how he did it. De Gaulle replied: “Very simple: tell your boss, your wife, your secretary that starting tomorrow you don’t smoke. That’s enough.”

The content of the article

DE GAULLE, CHARLES(De Gaulle, Charles André Marie) (1890–1970), President of France. Born November 22, 1890 in Lille. In 1912 he graduated from the Saint-Cyr Military Academy. During the First World War, he was wounded three times and captured near Verdun in 1916. In 1920–1921, with the rank of major, he served in Poland at the headquarters of General Weygand's military mission. In the period between the two world wars, de Gaulle taught military history at the Saint-Cyr school, served as an assistant to Marshal Pétain, and wrote several books on military strategy and tactics. In one of them, called For a professional army(1934), insisted on the mechanization of ground forces and the use of tanks in cooperation with aviation and infantry.

Leader of the French Resistance during World War II.

In April 1940, de Gaulle received the rank of brigadier general. On June 6 he was appointed Deputy Minister of National Defense. On June 16, 1940, when Marshal Pétain was negotiating surrender, de Gaulle flew to London, from where on June 18 he made a radio call to his compatriots to continue the fight against the invaders. Founded the Free France movement in London. After the landing of Anglo-American troops in North Africa in June 1943, the French Committee for National Liberation (FCNL) was created in Algeria. De Gaulle was first appointed as its co-chairman (with General Henri Giraud) and then as its sole chairman. In June 1944, the FKNO was renamed the Provisional Government of the French Republic.

Political activity after the war.

After the liberation of France in August 1944, de Gaulle returned to Paris in triumph as head of the provisional government. However, the Gaullist principle of a strong executive was rejected at the end of 1945 by voters, who preferred a constitution in many ways similar to that of the Third Republic. In January 1946, de Gaulle resigned.

In 1947, de Gaulle founded a new party, the Rally of the French People (RPF), main goal which was the struggle for the abolition of the 1946 Constitution, which proclaimed the Fourth Republic. However, the RPF failed to achieve the desired result, and in 1955 the party was dissolved.

In order to preserve the prestige of France and strengthen its national security, de Gaulle supported the European Reconstruction Program and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. During the coordination of the armed forces of Western Europe at the end of 1948, thanks to the influence of de Gaulle, command was transferred to the French ground forces and the fleet. Like many Frenchmen, de Gaulle continued to be suspicious of a “strong Germany” and in 1949 opposed the Bonn Constitution, which ended Western military occupation, but did not correspond to the plans of Schumann and Pleven (1951).

In 1953, de Gaulle retired from political activity, settled in his house in Colombey-les-deux-Eglises and began writing his War memoirs.

In 1958, the protracted colonial war in Algeria caused an acute political crisis. On May 13, 1958, ultra-colonialists and representatives of the French army rebelled in the Algerian capital. They were soon joined by supporters of General de Gaulle. All of them advocated keeping Algeria within France. The general himself, with the support of his supporters, skillfully took advantage of this and achieved the consent of the National Assembly to create his own government on the terms dictated by him.

Fifth Republic.

The first years after returning to power, de Gaulle was engaged in strengthening the Fifth Republic, financial reform, and searching for a solution to the Algerian issue. On September 28, 1958, a new constitution for the country was adopted in a referendum.

On December 21, 1958, de Gaulle was elected president of the republic. Under his leadership, France's influence in the international arena increased. However, in colonial policy de Gaulle faced problems. Having begun to resolve the Algerian problem, de Gaulle firmly pursued a course towards Algerian self-determination. In response to this, there were mutinies of the French army and ultra-colonialists in 1960 and 1961, the terrorist activities of the Armed Secret Organization (OAS), and the assassination attempt on de Gaulle. However, after the signing of the Evian Accords, Algeria gained independence.

In September 1962, de Gaulle proposed an amendment to the constitution, according to which the election of the president of the republic should be held by universal suffrage. Faced with resistance from the National Assembly, he decided to resort to a referendum. At a referendum held in October, the amendment was approved by a majority of votes. The November elections brought victory to the Gaullist party.

In 1963, de Gaulle vetoed Britain's entry into the Common Market, blocked the US attempt to supply nuclear missiles to NATO, and refused to sign an agreement on a partial ban on nuclear weapons testing. His foreign policy led to a new alliance between France and West Germany. In 1963, de Gaulle visited the Middle East and the Balkans, and in 1964 – Latin America.

On December 21, 1965, de Gaulle was re-elected as president for another 7-year term. The long standoff between NATO reached its climax in early 1966, when the French president withdrew his country from the bloc's military organization. Nevertheless, France remained a member of the Atlantic Alliance.

Elections to the National Assembly in March 1967 brought the Gaullist party and its allies a slight majority, and in May 1968 student unrest and a nationwide strike began. The President again dissolved the National Assembly and called new elections, which were won by the Gaullists. On April 28, 1969, after defeat in the April 27 referendum on the reorganization of the Senate, de Gaulle resigned.